Embora esta seção introdutória ostensivamente tenha pouco a ver com a situação contemporânea na Coréia, na verdade, é muito importante para a compreensão da rica história e unidade Da cultura coreana. Pois, como estamos começando a perceber cada vez mais, a presença do passado está sempre aqui. Tudo está relacionado com tudo. Só podemos ignorar esse princípio por nosso próprio perigo, o que, por sua vez, rouba-nos a entrada incrivelmente profunda de um vasto mar de sabedoria indispensável. Isso ajuda a explicar quão profunda é a paixão pela reunificação de um povo que compartilha uma história longa e evoluída um com o outro. Não há regiões no mundo ocidental que possuem um ano de mais de um milhão de anos de atividade humana como faz a península coreana. E a cultura coreana possui uma história homogênea e distinta de 5.000 anos, desprovida de minorias étnicas. Nunca foi a Coreia dividida até que o 38º Paralelo foi cruelmente imposto em 1945 pelos Estados Unidos. A Coréia nunca foi uma nação agressora. Em vez disso, sofreu uma longa história de ser agredido por outras nações, tanto da Ásia e do Ocidente. Em contraste, o registro mais antigo da atividade humana no Hemisfério Ocidental de acordo com a datação por carbono não é mais de 45.000 anos, mas a maioria das evidências faz uma estimativa mais confortável de 30.000 anos ou menos. E uma vez que não existiram sociedades eurocentristas ou do Novo Mundo até depois da Conquista das sociedades indígenas originais que ocorreram entre o final dos anos 1400 e os anos 1700, o período mais longo da sociedade organizada que possuímos no Ocidente não tem mais de 500 anos. A República dos Estados Unidos da América, e suas comunidades antecedentes européias, só remontam a 400 anos. Há evidências de que parte do estoque indígena no hemisfério ocidental se originou em porções da Ásia, incluindo a Península Coreana. As influências chinesas e japonesas têm sido fortes ao longo da história da Coréia, mas os coreanos desceram como um grupo racial e cultural distinto dos povos tribais Tungusic (grupos étnicos da Sibéria) da Ásia Central e da Manchúria. É importante entender a Coreia no coração do continente asiático. Os traços dos antepassados os mais adiantados de seres humanos modernos foram descobertos em África sub-Sahara oriental sub-Sahara tão cedo quanto 5 milhão anos há. Por 1.8 milhão anos há os hominids adiantados (bipedal andando) começaram a espalhar para fora destes homelands originais, emigrando em regiões temperadas tão distante como Ásia do leste. Homo Erectus grau hominídeos estavam presentes na Península da Coréia, partes do leste da China, sul da Ásia e Índia central mais de um milhão de anos atrás. Durante o Neolítico (Nova Pedra) período de idade começando cerca de 10.000 a. C.-8.000 aC. Paleo (antigo) - Asiatics espalhados por toda a Sibéria começou a migrar para a Península Coreana através de províncias do nordeste da China e as áreas russas ao redor de Vladivostock. Há evidências de ocupação através de caçadores-coletores e locais de enterro deste período, como em Tongsamdong (no sudeste da Coréia perto de Pusan atual), juntamente com cerâmica, ferramentas agrícolas de pedra e cultivo de milho de milho. Aproximadamente 4 000 aC-3 000 aC. Há evidências dos primeiros assentamentos agrícolas permanentes, como em Hunamni (na Coréia central, não muito longe da atual Seul). Alguns eruditos identificam este período como o começo de uma evolução contínua de uma cultura distinta, significando que por 2.000 A. D. Coréia tem desenvolvido como um povo distinto por 5.000-6.000 anos. A propagação da lavoura de arroz atingiu áreas do norte da Península por 1500 BC. Áreas do sul por 1000 BC. Por 1.000 A. C. Durante a Idade do Bronze (minérios de cobre, estanho e zinco), os novos imigrantes haviam assimilado os povos neolíticos indígenas em pequenas aldeias nos sopé dos rios. Distintas ferramentas de estilo coreano começaram a aparecer em (Japão), quando as armas coreanas (cultura Dagger) surgiram. A cultura da Idade do Ferro tornou-se generalizada no sul da Coréia no segundo século aC. Como fez a produção de vidro. Chariot acessórios foram encontrados perto de Pyongyang e da bacia do rio Taedong (que flui de nordeste a sudeste através de Pyongyang). Confucionismo, uma filosofia de aprendizagem e social enraizada em uma série de relações particulares entre e entre a família, amigos e governantes, tornou-se proeminente a partir do terceiro século aC. Ao primeiro século A. D. por muito de China, da península coreana, e de Japão do sul. Após o cisma na religião budista no nordeste da Índia no primeiro século A. D. o budismo Mahayana que ofereceu a salvação universal (versus o budismo mais conservador Theravada) chegou na China e Coréia, onde começou a ser compartilhada com confucionismo e taoísmo. A maioria dos historiadores documentam a Coréia) possuíam tecnologia de ferro relativamente avançada para ferramentas e armas. De c.109 BC. A 6 BC. Coréia (exceto na área do sudeste em torno do dia atual Pusan) veio sob o domination do império chinês de Han. Após 100 A. C. A colônia chinesa de Lolang foi estabelecida perto de Pyongyang. O reino de Koguryo estabeleceu o primeiro estado nativo coreano perto do rio de Yalu (que separa a China atual do norte de Coreia) no norte em 37 BC. Pela tribo Maek, mesmo quando ainda no império Han. Em 313 A. D. Koguryo conquistou Lolang. Por 427 A. D. a capital foi estabelecida em Pyongyang. Koguryo expandiu seu território bem no Manchuria oriental (atual China do nordeste) no norte, até ao sul perto do rio de Han (flui através de Seoul atual do dia) na proximidade de onde os outros dois reinos principais emergiram, Paekche (C. 250 AD) Na parte sudoeste da Península, e o mais poderoso Silla (cerca de 350 dC) na porção sudeste em e em torno do vale do rio Naktong. Muitos locais foram encontrados de tumbas ricamente decorados para a elite na sociedade Koguryo, adornada com pinturas requintadas. Entre as ofertas graves estavam elaboradas coroas de ouro e outras jóias de ouro e arame. Um quarto reino de Kaya, no extremo sudeste (a oeste do rio Naktong e Pusan presentes) exportou cerâmica fina de grés para o Japão. O ferro foi exportado do rio Naktong, no sul da Coreia, para Wae (Japão) e Lolang. Tribos Kaya foram logo incorporadas em Silla. Elementos culturais da China, tribos nômades do norte, Lolang, ea religião budista foram incorporados durante este período de dominação Koguryo. A tecnologia do ferro nesse período tornou-se mais forte e mais nítida, pois foi incorporada em armas e ferramentas agrícolas. A tradição literária coreana adotou a linguagem chinesa e seu sistema ideográfico (sistema escrito representando uma idéia ou objeto diretamente em vez de uma palavra em particular). Com o apoio chinês a dinastia Silla conquistou Koguryo e Paekche em 668 A. D. e uma sociedade feudal surgiu que começou a unificação moderna da Península Coreana ao longo linhas confucionistas. Coréia prosperou como cada rei foi cercado por uma aristocracia guerreira e uma burocracia habilidosa que governou sobre uma classe de camponeses que forneceu a mão de obra para a indústria militar, agrícola e técnica. As artes floresceram e o budismo tornou-se a religião dominante. Em 935 a dinastia de Silla foi derrubada relativamente pacificamente pela dinastia de Koryo em que a literatura da época foi cultivada eo Confucianism (de China) controlou o teste padrão do governo embora o Buddhism remanescesse a religião de estado. A manufacure da cerâmica floresceu. As primeiras histórias coreanas foram publicadas, usando o tipo móvel, que conduziu à primeira fundição do mundo do tipo do metal em 1403. Em 1231 as forças Mongol invadiram de China e eventualmente os reis de Koryo aceitaram a régua de Mongol. Em 1392, Yi Songgye, com a ajuda da dinastia Ming (que substituiu os mongóis na China), tomou o poder. A dinastia Yi criou uma nova capital em Seul, estabeleceu o Confucionismo como a religião oficial e desenvolveu um alfabeto coreano. O guerreiro japonês Toyotomi Hideyoshi conquistou o controle da maior parte geograficamente próximo do Japão em 1590 e, dois anos depois, invadiu a Coréia com 160.000 homens que tentavam conquistar a China depois de subjugar a Coréia. Suas forças foram frustradas depois que o almirante coreano Yi Sun-sin cortou suas linhas de abastecimento náutico. Outras incursões japonesas na Coréia foram confrontadas por contra-ataques por forças Ming chinesas e coreanas combinadas, e Hideyoshi foi morto em 1597 enquanto atacava a Coréia. Mais tarde, a Coréia tentou proteger-se de ameaças externas fechando suas fronteiras e, assim, tornou-se conhecido como o Reino Herdeiro. O Japão foi se tornando cada vez mais poderoso, e com a ajuda secreta dos EUA foi capaz de conquistar e ocupar efetivamente a península coreana em 1905. A dinastia Yi durou 519 anos a partir de 1392 até sua anexação formal pelo Japão em 22 de agosto de 1910. O fenômeno de ser liberado na Coréia Em maio de 2000, ao visitar várias aldeias na Coréia do Sul a cerca de 80 milhas a sudeste da área de Yongdong / Nogun Ri, ouvi dezenas de histórias de horror de sobreviventes emocionalmente e fisicamente feridos de massacres civis cometidos em 1950 por Forças terrestres e aéreas dos EUA, bem como por forças sul-coreanas sob o comando dos EUA. Em agosto de 2000, nossa delegação visitou o local do massacre da caverna de Kumjung, em Ilsan, província de Kyonggi, ao norte de Seul, e o massacre no viaduto de pontes gêmeas, perto do infame Nogun Ri, a 100 milhas Ao sul de Seul, perto de Yongdong, na província de Chungchong Norte. Ouvi ainda mais histórias de horror semelhantes sobre o que aconteceu durante o verão de 1950. Depois de ficar em silêncio durante todos esses cinqüenta anos, suas histórias foram intensamente emocionais. Eu cheguei a entender que até dois anos ou mais atrás, havia tanto medo entre as pessoas que eles mantiveram suas histórias interiores segredos escuros. Se eles fossem identificados publicamente de alguma forma com aqueles que haviam sido baleados ou bombardeados, eles também seriam suspeitos de serem longos termos de prisão e até mesmo imposição de uma sentença de morte com pouco processo devido. Os coreanos têm uma palavra, acho que alguém iria entender que os EUA tinham cometido deliberadamente crimes de guerra, e mais, eu temia que ninguém se importaria. Eu me vi chorando enquanto os sul-coreanos contaram suas histórias sobre o que aconteceu com eles e suas famílias há cinqüenta anos e como essa dor permaneceu profundamente dentro deles. Procurei a fonte dessa raiva profunda, quase não expressa, e devemos entender tanto a história antiga quanto a mais recente do povo coreano. Os coreanos nunca foram agressores contra outras terras, mas continuamente foram atacados por forças externas. É irônico então que eles são a única nação asiática que foi involuntariamente dividida e permanece até hoje. Que este é um crime profundo e histórico egregious de encontro ao povo Korean é um understatement extraordinário. Early Western e EUA Intervenção Começando no século XIX, as potências ocidentais começaram a mostrar interesse na Península Coreana. Buscando o acesso aos mercados coreanos e matérias-primas, os britânicos enviaram navios de guerra em 1832 e 1845, os franceses em 1846, os russos em 1854, os EUA e os alemães em 1866 e os EUA novamente em 1871. Todas as influências não chinesas foram excluídas Uma tentativa de garantir proteção até 1876, quando o Japão coagiu um tratado comercial com a Coréia. A Coréia era conhecida antes do século XIX como um país que desconfiava dos estrangeiros, mesmo do Oriente, mas especialmente dos ocidentais. Para esta política veio a ser conhecido como o Japão tinha começado a emergir como um poder restive no 1800s. O Japão tinha sido forçado pelos Estados Unidos a assinar um tratado comercial em 31 de março de 1854, um ano depois que o almirante Mathew C. Perry chegasse em 1853 com quatro navios de guerra na baía de Tóquio, perseguindo as ordens do presidente americano, Millard Fillmore, Isolacionista do Japão. O imperador japonês acedeu aos pedidos dos EUA e abriu os portos de Shimoda e Hakodate para o comércio. Perry foi premiado com 20.000 pelo Congresso para sua expedição ousada. Sentiment no Japão sabiamente se preocupou que era perigosamente vulnerável a se tornar uma colônia de potências ocidentais. A elite japonesa respondeu com a restauração de Meiji de 1868 que restaurou o poder a seu imperador anteriormente mantido pela casa militar de Tokugawa. O novo governo Meiji se moveu rapidamente para descartar o velho sistema feudal e conseguiu transformar o Japão em uma nação industrializadora regionalmente agressiva. A história da intervenção militar norte-americana do século XIX na Coréia incluiu a primeira Guerra da Coréia do Norte em 1871, uma guerra notada por sua beligerância. Cinco anos antes, em julho de 1866, um navio da Marinha Mercante dos Estados Unidos, o General Sherman, um navio fortemente armado com uma tripulação mista de britânicos e chineses / malaios, incluindo um missionário protestante norte-americano, Robert Thomas, tentou penetrar nas vias navegáveis da Coréia. Da discussão comercial e da evangelização cristã. Negado permissão para navegar até o rio Taedong que conduz a Pyongyang, o navio desafiou as autoridades coreanas. Conseqüentemente, depois de quatro dias de luta, o navio foi queimado, e as vinte pessoas a bordo mataram. Em retaliação, a Marinha e os Fuzileiros Navais dos EUA invadiram a Coréia em junho de 1871 com os navios de guerra Monocacy e Palos, três lançadores a vapor e cerca de vinte barcos de apoio, com tripulação total de mais de 1.000 veteranos na sua maioria na Guerra Civil. O ministro dos EUA na China, Frederick Low, estava a bordo. A expedição, comandada pelo Almirante John Rodgers, que tinha experiência anterior no Extremo Oriente, desembarcou quase 700 homens nas praias de Kanghwa (25 milhas ao norte de Inchon atual na Coreia central ocidental), em parte para retomar as negociações comerciais com a Guerra em 1898. Esta intervenção criou ansiedades aumentadas entre os japoneses sobre intenções agressivas dos EUA na Ásia. Depois que a área de terra estratégica de Japão e os recursos potenciais se aqueceram entre as potências próximas de Japão e de Rússia. A Primeira Guerra Sino-Japonesa (1894-95) viu o conflito entre a China eo Japão para o controle da Coréia. Esta guerra marcou o Japão que permaneceu lá por um número de meses. Os projetos rivais da Rússia e do Japão para Manchúria e Coréia levou à Guerra Russo-Japonesa (1904-05). A falha russa de se retirar da Manchúria e sua penetração associada no norte da Coréia foi atendida por tentativas japonesas de negociar uma divisão da área em respectivas esferas de influência e controle. Os russos resistiram. Em 27 de janeiro de 1904, destroyers japoneses torpedoed três navios de guerra russos em Port Arthur na ponta da Península de Liaotung (Kwangtung). O Japão rompeu relações diplomáticas em 6 de fevereiro de 1904, e dois dias depois atacou Port Arthur e por algum tempo continha a frota russa ali. As tropas japonesas em grande número tinham se movido através da Coréia quando atacaram a Manchúria. Essas pressões de guerra criaram novamente condições que levaram a outra intervenção de Marines dos EUA para, você adivinhou, na Coréia. No entanto, durante essas séries de intervenções dos Marines dos Estados Unidos, o mais longo que permaneceram na Coréia em qualquer momento foi de vinte e dois meses. Os avanços do Japão na Coréia favoreceram a colonização japonesa da Coréia, a fim de proteger egoísticamente seus próprios projetos imperialistas regionais contra a ameaçada competição japonesa. O que os coreanos não sabiam na época da independência de Roosevelt, apesar da educação legal e da Ivy League de seus autores norte-americanos. Para compreender exatamente o que Roosevelt pensava dos coreanos, é instrutivo examinar suas próprias palavras como escritas em sua autobiografia quando descreve uma racionalidade para as violações do Tratado de 1882 perpetrado pelo Acordo Taft-Katsura de 1905: Menos de dois anos antes, Roosevelt Os Estados Unidos haviam articulado um conceito de portas abertas buscando sucesso comercial na Ásia desde o presidente John Tyler e assegurando o controle sobre Cuba e Filipinas depois de se apropriarem das revoluções para a independência (1898-1899) Também sob McKinley. O Tratado de Portsmouth que termina a Guerra Russo-Japonesa foi assinado formalmente na Base Naval dos Estados Unidos em Portsmouth, New Hampshire, em 5 de setembro de 1905, reconhecendo o Japão como uma potência mundial, mais de um mês após o acordo secreto Entre os EUA e o Japão relativo à Coreia. No entanto, as discussões de paz foram realizadas durante todo o verão no interesse supremo do Presidente Roosevelt na Coréia e cedido a ela o arrendamento da Península de Liaotung na Manchúria (local do porto estratégico russo na costa chinesa) ea metade sul de Sakhalin Island (ao norte do Japão e separado da Rússia pelo Golfo da Tartária). A Rússia tomou um golpe pelo qual não se esqueceria facilmente. Além disso, Roosevelt exigiu que o Japão seguisse a política de Porta Aberta na Manchúria e devolvesse a região à administração chinesa. O que representa o American Way of Life (AWOL) seriamente acreditado como sendo bom para o avanço de todos no mundo, e (2) a exportação de produtos como algodão, frutas enlatadas, leite e carne, bom para a prosperidade e lucros de Comerciais nos Estados Unidos. No final do século XIX, ficou claro para as empresas e os poderes políticos dos Estados Unidos que a expansão era indispensável para adquirir os mercados necessários para o aumento do excedente de bens manufaturados, produtos agrícolas e capital de risco. Além disso, a aquisição de acesso confiável a matérias-primas baratas estava se tornando importante para continuar o crescimento lucrativo do sistema de produção industrial norte-americano. Ficou claro que a prosperidade ea preservação do American Way of Life (AWOL) dos Estados Unidos, e seus mitos, dependiam, de fato, de uma política externa expansionista e cada vez mais imperial. A agitação chinesa extensiva contra estrangeiros explodiu em junho de 1900, conhecida como a rebelião de Boxer, provocou um aprofundamento de preocupação nos EU (e em outras nações empurrando e mantendo as portas abertas em todo o mundo usando estratégias que variam de coerção polida a impolite eo uso de Militar na medida em que era necessário. Foi um termo bonito para o imperialismo dos EUA Na Coréia, os japoneses desde 1905 haviam assumido a responsabilidade policial em Seul, haviam colocado seus próprios inspetores policiais em todas as províncias coreanas e colocado um general residente no país. Nunca foram retirados e apenas dez semanas após a conclusão da Guerra Russo-Japonesa, o Japão forçou a Coréia a assinar formalmente o Tratado de Protetorado. O Japão exerceu um amplo controle sobre os assuntos domésticos e internacionais da Coréia. O Japão renomeou a Coréia Escolhida e os ricos coreanos Aristocracia começou a mudar seus nomes para japonês. Mais tarde, após a anexação formal em 1910, todos os coreanos tiveram de falar japonês, não coreano, tomar nomes japoneses, e de acordo com costumes japoneses e costumes religiosos. Ironicamente, Teddy Roosevelt recebeu o Prêmio Nobel da Paz por ter sido creditado com trazer a paz entre a Rússia eo Japão. Pouco se entendeu na época que o acordo secreto feito antes do Tratado de Portsmouth tinha visado um punhal mortal precoce cortando o coração de uma Península Coreana independente e soberana, que até hoje não se recuperou. O Tratado de Portsmouth marcou o correspondente declínio temporário do poder russo no Extremo Oriente. As caras linhas ferroviárias construídas pela Rússia no sul da Manchúria foram cedidas ao Japão sem pagamento. Todas as tropas russas foram removidas. Essa humilhante derrota dos esforços russos para controlar o canto oriental do império chinês moribundo foi um choque para o czar. Deve-se lembrar que o czar já estava em apuros. Russos descontentes formaram secretamente o Partido Trabalhista Social-Democrata da Rússia em Minsk, em 1898, baseado em princípios do marxismo. No segundo congresso partidário realizado em Bruxelas e Londres em 1903, Lenin). Quando a guerra russo-japonesa estourou em fevereiro de 1904, o racismo histórico russo que desprezava os grupos surgiu por todo o país, como fizeram durante a primeira revolução em 1905. Lênin e os bolcheviques estabeleceram o governo em Petrogrado em outubro de 1917, A terceira revolução, que é a data geralmente atribuída à Revolução Russa. Petrogrado foi rebatizado Leningrado em 1924, mas mais tarde recuperou seu nome original de São Petersburgo, como é conhecido hoje. A revolução bolchevique russa não era aceitável para o mundo aliado e japonês. Os EUA e outros países aliados Depois de 1905, a resistência do Japão à ocupação japonesa levou ao assassinato de pelo menos 18.000 coreanos que protestavam, dos quais 12.000 apenas de 1908 a 1910. No entanto, em 22 de agosto de 1910, depois de mais de mil anos como uma unidade geográfica independente e distinta, a Coréia formalmente capitulou ao Japão, quando a dinastia Yi foi forçada a assinar o Tratado de anexação. A Coreia tornou-se assim anexada como uma província do Japão com o total apoio dos Estados Unidos. Essa capitulação deveu-se principalmente aos temores da classe dominante coreana de perder seu privilégio de camponeses organizados, prejudicados, mais do que receios de serem governados por potências estrangeiras. Após a anexação formal, muitos dos guerrilheiros reagruparam-se na Manchúria ou no território marítimo russo enquanto continuavam a guerrear contra os japoneses. A Dinastia Yi tinha governado desde 1392, mas foi incapaz de se defender da formidável colonização imperial japonesa apoiada secretamente pelos Estados Unidos. Embora a Coréia tenha sido formalmente uma nação independente, há muito tempo sobreviveu sob uma espécie de suzerania chinesa (overlord) que lhe proporcionara proteção militar. No entanto, os chineses tornaram-se significativamente enfraquecidos devido a manobras diplomáticas e militares japonesas agressivas após sua Restauração Meiji em 1868, como observado acima. Nogun Ri: Ponta do Iceberg Nogun Ri, o massacre de julho de 1950 cometido pelas forças americanas, foi revelado no outono de 1999 graças a uma tenacidade rara exibida por alguns membros da imprensa norte-americana. Por mais chocante que seja a história de Nogun Ri, é só o fato de contar essa história que desencadeou muitos mais. Agora, muitas aldeias estão criando suas próprias comissões locais de investigação de massacres, com a formação de uma comissão nacional iminente. Já existe uma Comissão de Verdade da Coréia (KTC) sobre Massacres Militares de Civis dos EUA, criado em 2000 em uma reunião em Pequim, China. As audiências estão planejadas para locais tanto na Coréia do Sul quanto na Coréia do Norte, bem como nos Estados Unidos. A KTC criou seu escritório internacional em Washington, D. C. e já realizou audiências preliminares nos Estados Unidos sobre a comissão de crimes de guerra dos EUA na Coréia. Além disso, agora que Kim Dae Jung, o Presidente da Coreia do Sul e Kim Jong Il, seu homólogo do Norte, concluíram com êxito sua histórica primeira reunião em junho de 2000, as mudanças políticas domésticas na Coréia provavelmente aumentarão dramaticamente para a reunificação de suas históricas Nação indivisa. Uma unidade de cultura, etnicidade e lingüística extraordinariamente únicas é tida tão profundamente nos corações e mentes da maioria dos coreanos, que seu poder transcende o relativamente recente cisma ideológico da Guerra Fria que lhes foi imposto involuntariamente pelos Estados Unidos. Intenções e Ações dos EUA Dividindo a Coréia, 1943-1945 A poucos meses de Pearl Harbor, no início de 1942, os planejadores do Departamento de Estado dos EUA começaram a expressar preocupação no caso de haver envolvimento soviético na guerra contra os japoneses na Manchúria e na Coréia. Eles temiam que os russos trariam com eles os destemidos guerrilheiros coreanos que haviam lutado com paixão os japoneses na Manchura em seus esforços para recuperar sua terra natal. A primeira declaração formal internacional apoiando a independência coreana foi proclamada em novembro de 1943, quando os EUA (Franklin D. Roosevelt). A Grã-Bretanha (Winston Churchill) e a China (Chiang Kai-shek) emitiram a Declaração do Cairo (Egito), na qual a Coréia receberia a independência (ênfase adicionada) Dada a extensão de quase quarenta anos de dominação japonesa e o humilhante papel subordinado forçado Sobre os coreanos, este governo militar secretamente planejado dos EUA no pós-guerra na Coréia significava a preservação do imperialismo japonês e uma violação ilícita e cruel da soberania coreana. Na promessa de Yalta, de 4 a 11 de fevereiro de 1945, de entrar no teatro da guerra do Pacífico três meses após a rendição antecipada da Alemanha, aliviando assim os EUA de outras baixas na derrota dos japoneses na Manchúria, China, Coréia e Japão. Este acordo secreto da URSS para entrar na guerra contra o Japão foi prometido em troca da posse de S. Sakhalin (ilha ao largo da costa leste da URSS ao norte da ilha japonesa de Hokkaido), as Ilhas Kuriles (estendendo-se para nordeste a partir da ilha japonesa De Hokkaido à península de URSS de Kamchatka entre o mar de Okhotsk eo Oceano Pacífico), e uma zona de ocupação em Coréia se os EU insistiram na administração conjunta. Harry Truman só tinha sucedido à Presidência em 12 de abril de 1945, com a morte do presidente Roosevelt, apenas dois meses depois da conferência de Yalta. Alemanha se rendeu em 7 de maio, começando o relógio de 3 meses para a entrada prometida do exército soviético para acabar esperançosamente os japoneses na Ásia. A decisão estratégica de esperar pela resolução do Projeto Manhattan (desenvolvimento da bomba atômica de alto nível) passou a dominar grande parte da política secreta dos EUA, começando em meados de maio. Truman, tendo sido informado apenas da existência do novo projeto de armas uma vez que tomou a presidência em abril, e como um recém-chegado à diplomacia internacional, foi acreditado para ter medo de sua próxima reunião com Stalin e Churchill em Potsdam, perto de Berlim, no nordeste da Alemanha . A agenda avançada de Potsdam era discutir os desafios decorrentes do colapso da Alemanha nazista e da disposição da Europa Oriental em relação à União Soviética. Não surpreendentemente, ele atrasou a conferência. No entanto, é importante notar que Truman finalmente agendou a conferência para seguir imediatamente o teste crítico da Bomba secreta, ocorrendo em 16 de julho em Alamogordo, 120 milhas a sudeste de Albuquerque, no Novo México. O sucesso do teste excedeu as expectativas e imediatamente proporcionou aos EUA uma confiança sem precedentes em todas as negociações pós-teste. Potsdam começou em 17 de julho e concluiu em 2 de agosto. Previoiusly, os Estados Unidos tinham praticamente aceite o fato de que uma vez que os japoneses foram derrotados com a ajuda soviética, os soviéticos ocupariam e controlar o futuro da Península Coreana. No entanto, com o sucesso da nova arma, a mais poderosa jamais desenvolvida, a diplomacia dos EUA foi radicalmente alterada ea arrogância dos EUA poderia prevalecer com a mínima necessidade de compromisso. Em 8 de agosto, exatamente três meses após a rendição alemã, as tropas russas entraram na Manchúria, como prometeram anteriormente, esmagando as forças japonesas ali. Em 12 de agosto, eles entraram no norte da Coréia, afastando ainda mais as forças japonesas, garantindo assim mais mortes nos EUA. Esse significativo envolvimento soviético tornou impossível para os EUA excluir a URSS em um acordo coreano pós-guerra. Em 11 de agosto (três dias após a entrada das tropas soviéticas na arena japonesa e, como se viu, apenas quatro dias antes da rendição iminente do Japão), o presidente Truman ordenou que dois coronéis em seu Departamento de Guerra identificassem apressadamente um supostamente Linha temporária que divide a Coreia em duas zonas. Os paralelos 37 e 38 foram discutidos em uma rápida reunião de 30 minutos por dois jovens coronéis, sendo um Dean Rusk (que mais tarde seria secretário de Estado sob a população do presidente e a histórica capital de Seul na zona dos Estados Unidos) . Nove milhões de pessoas e os setores mais industriais, com cinqüenta e cinco por cento da base terrestre, deveriam estar na zona soviética. A questão era se Stalin aceitaria o 38º paralelo ao invés do 37º, o último dos quais teria incluído A capital histórica de Seul na zona soviética prevista. Esta decisão que estabelece o paralelo 38, proclamada publicamente em 15 de agosto como as populações de tomar o controle. Os EUA foram para tomar a zona sul as tropas soviéticas já presentes permaneceriam temporariamente no norte , Com o objetivo de repatriar todos os japoneses em seus respectivos setores. Os EUA criaram imediatamente o Governo Militar do Exército dos Estados Unidos na Coréia (USAMGIK), que era a única autoridade legal ao sul do 38º Paralelo, e assim permaneceu até a República da Coréia Foi formalmente estabelecido em 15 de agosto de 1948, exatamente três anos depois. Tragicamente, os planos ocidentais para uma divisão pós-guerra da Coreia estavam se desenvolvendo sem o prévio conhecimento ou consentimento do povo coreano. Ironicamente, no mesmo dia da rendição japonesa e da proclamação dos EUA da Ordem Geral Número 1, 15 de agosto de 1945, o povo coreano, a maioria seriamente empobrecida, comemorou abertamente sua libertação após quarenta anos de miserável ocupação japonesa. Os coreanos imediatamente formaram o Comitê para a Preparação da Independência Coreana (CKPI). Em 28 de agosto, todas as províncias coreanas em toda a Península estabeleceram a República Popular (KPR). O povo da Coréia estava confiante de que agora seria capaz de construir sua própria sociedade, retomando o controle sobre sua soberania, que havia sido efetivamente suspenso desde que os japoneses assumiram seus negócios estrangeiros e militares em 1905 antes da anexação formal em 1910. Emocionante momento em suas vidas em 6 de setembro de 1945, o povo coreano não poderia ter imaginado que eles estavam prestes a se tornar vítimas de uma injustiça ainda mais trágica e cruel, desta vez infligida a eles por uma nação ocidental, os Estados Unidos da América, Em vez de um de seus nemesis asiáticos históricos. O Japão apresentou sua rendição formal em 2 de setembro a cinco estrelas (um recém-criado rank na época) O general Douglas MacArthur a bordo do U. S.S. Missouri, na Baía de Tóquio. MacArthur foi nomeado comandante dos poderes aliados no Japão e dirigiu a ocupação subseqüente que incluiu a Coréia também. Em 7 de setembro, no dia seguinte ao da criação do KPR, o general Douglas MacArthur, como comandante das potências aliadas vitoriosas no Pacífico, emitiu formalmente uma proclamação endereçada à declaração de ocupação. A maior parte das forças de ocupação dos EUA começou a descarregar de 21 navios da Marinha (incluindo cinco destróieres) em 8 de setembro pelo porto de Inchon sob o comando do tenente-general John Reed Hodge. Centenas de policiais japoneses armados de preto, a cavalo, ainda sob a direção do governador japonês Abe Nobuyuki, mantiveram multidões coreanas longe dos soldados norte-americanos que desembarcaram. Na manhã de 9 de setembro, as tropas norte-americanas entraram em Seul, novamente protegidas pelas tropas japonesas que alinham as ruas, levando os oficiais de alta patente para seus novos quartos no Choson Hotel. And on September 9, General Hodge announced that Abe, the Japanese Governor-General would continue to function with all his Japanese and Korean personnel. Hodge had become known for his aggressive warfare in battles at Guadalcanal, Leyte, Bougainville, and the for his tank actions in World War I, and his later exploits during War II in Italy, North Africa, and France and Germany. Within a few weeks there were 25,000 troops and members of in the Asia-Pacific region. This was due to strategic evaluations made by the U. S. of projected post-war plans of its wartime Soviet ally but who in fact were held with fear and mistrust by the West since the Bolshevik revolution first articulated its socialist philosophies in 1917. The provisions of such occupation, including ordinances issued by the Military Governor of Korea, were to be enforced by a On September 12, West Point Graduate and artillery expert Major General Archibald V. Arnold, was named U. S. Military Governor to replace Japanese Governor-General Abe, though most of the existing administrative and police personnel were retained. Arnold was later replaced as U. S. Military Governor by Major General William F. Dean, a highly decorated World War II veteran of battles in France, Germany and Austria. Interestingly, when the war started in June 1950, Dean became the commander of the U. S. 24th Division and was captured on August 25 in Taejon, being the highest ranking U. S.officer ever captured by the North Koreans and imprisoned as a POW for 37 and-a-half months From that fateful day on September 8, 1945, to the present, a period of now 56 years U. S. military forces (currently numbering 37,000 positioned at 100 installations), have maintained a continuous occupation in the south, supporting de facto U. S. domination of the political, rhetorical, economic and military life of a needlessly divided Korea. This overwhelming U. S. role, often brutal in nature and, until recently, supporting repressive policies of dictatorial puppets, continues to be the single greatest obstacle to peace, because of its interference with inevitable reunification of the Korean Peninsula. Until 1994, all of the hundreds of thousands of South Korean defense forces operated legally under direct U. S. command. Even today, although integrated into the Combined Forces Command (CFC), when the U. S. military commander in Korea deems there is a war situation, these forces automatically revert to direct U. S. control. U. S. Cultural Context, U. S. Occupation and the Cold War The well documented but little publicly known historical record of the United States in Korea is nothing short of demonic and shameless: from the brutal U. S. formal occupation (1945-48) to steadfast support of the tyrannical rule of U. S. puppet, Syngman Rhee, before, during, and after the hot Korean War (1948-1960), under the rhetorical propaganda of a Korean there. As one observes the chronic historic pattern of U. S. interventions all over the world, its consistent imperial behavior can only be properly understood by examining the interplay of five deeply ingrained features of its culture in addition to two factors relating to its geographical position. Deep-seated Eurocentric racism. The fallacy of race is human s most dangerous myth (Ashley Montagu). A powerful religious, arrogant ethnocentrism, that believes certain White strange because virtually all inhabitants of the American continent other than the native Indigenous have been and remain relatively recent aliens. Deep-seated psychological repression of visceral feelings and instincts, i. e. a corruption of the senses, and the unhealthy fragmentation of sensations from the intellect, leading to resentment which manifests in certain self-righteous moral indignation and expressions of violence directed against those in the values. Psychologists have uniformly described the correlation between repression and violence. Fundamental origins and subsequent governing patterns based on secretive plutocracy (class), not democracy, and a strong national government designed to assert empire as a way of life through colonialism/expansionism. This imperial demeanor thrives on projections (i. e. a kind of paranoia) that define problems as being caused by external evils, precluding honest self-examination and responsibility. Expansionism, an imperial global reach, often manifesting in violent, covert or overt, sabotage of self-determination processes wherever found at home or abroad. Self-determination, i. e. democracy, generally threatens to with U. S. capabilities for selfish plunder at will to feed the insatiable appetites of the American Way Of Life (AWOL) and the profits of the transborder corporations (in cahoots with the governing plutocrats) derived from nourishing those appetites. The vast size of the northern hemispheric continent, i. e. the army proceeded methodically for a century, providing an affirmation to the European settlers of their god-endowed superiority. It was as if the huge amount of space provided the settlers with a new playground for what seemed like endless exploitation. This land mass surrounded by vast oceans provided substantial protection from outside intruders. To the south additional vast lands inhabited by the Indigenous had been conquered by the Spanish and Portuguese, who had difficulty hanging on to their new territory as the British and French were vying for Indigenous lands in the north. As the securely establishing itself in a substantial portion of the northern part of the Western Hemisphere. The fifth cultural factor, i. e. our imperial reach, has led to incomprehensibly violent behaviors during the history of our Republic that have maimed and murdered countless millions through more than 550 overt and anywheres from 6,000 to 10,000 covert interventions in more than 100 nations, primarily directed against the poor as they have struggled, and continue to struggle, for justice and genuine local sovereignty. The United States and the Western nations combined, comprising about twenty-five percent of the world s resources. In other words, it is essential to our way of life to be able to continue to rob and pillage at will the global pool of labor and natural resources, no matter how much hurt and misery it causes, and whether people like it or not. This pattern of U. S. behavior pre-dates the Cold War interventions that used the pretext of fighting the from white Europeans. To be fair, this kind of brutality emanating from minds that can so easily rationalize such superiority and the consequent bestiality directed toward others is not unique to Europeans. But nonetheless, it was applied with such a ruthlessness in North America (and in the remainder of the Americas, as well) as to be on the order of our own first holocaust. Let us examine the context. It is now believed that there were as many as 125 million Indigenous living in thousands of communities speaking numerous native languages throughout the Western Hemisphere at the time of the Columbus of our Western and, yes, U. S. American civilization. Of the 125 million Indigenous, it is now believed that 10 to 15 million lived north of the Rio Grande, the river that is today Let us look at slavery, the second holocaust enabling development of labor. The incredibly difficult labor required to prepare land for profitable large farms and plantations from tangled thickets of mangroves and palmettos could be done only under duress. Freemen with any options whatever would not agree to suffer the brutalities of such labor. Only chattel slaves, under involuntary physical duress could be made to perform this miserable work. And agriculture, once the land was prepared, was only profitable when it became a slave plantation, requiring the work of varying numbers of slaves. This enabled the plantation owner to afford the various buildings and equipment, including lavish living quarters, that made for a successful, profitable life. Somewheres between one and two million of those slaves came to the colonies that became the United States of America. The United States developed on the land stolen from the Indigenous and the labor stolen from the Africans. This, too, is part of an honest history of of the U. S. American civilization. And from the beginning, U. S. policymakers, civic and religious leaders, historians and other academicians have systematically perpetuated a grotesque distortion of history which presents U. S. intentions and behavior as noble triumphs over ever-lurking evil forces. It is as if we have been taught, and proudly learned, a fabrication of history to the extent of it being sheer fantasy. Honest confrontation of this distortion is virtually always greeted with severe criticism and contempt, virtually assuring that the critic is quickly marginalized and not taken seriously. Now, just for a moment, let us look at the broad historical context of what happened between about 1500 and 1900. The six primary imperialist powers of Europe at the time (France, Spain, Italy, British Isles, Portugal, and Netherlands) comprising about 40 million people combined, possessed less than 10 percent, probably less than 8 percent, of the world s people, virtually eliminated societies comprising a third or more of the global population. To accomplish that, to perpetuate and rationalize that kind of superiority and carelessness over others, requires an arrogance that clearly knows no limits. It is this legacy that we in the West must address, because its character is still with us, still determining contemporary policies that grow from historic values of greed and power that in turn emanate from a consciousness of superiority, rather than one that recognizes respect, justice, and a sacred interconnectedness with all life. It is instructive to remember that the presence of the past is always here. always operating just below the surface. The casualties inflicted upon Europe by the Black Death begining in the mid-1300s and extending into the Fifteenth Century were exceeded by those caused by the plague brought to the Western hemisphere by Europeans that devastated its Indigenous cultures. The American Revolutionary War was not initiated by the poor, but by an upper class of successful business people and plantation owners who wanted to be free of irritating British rules and taxation. In effect, it was a revolt of Brits against Brits. Only 56 selected White men signed the 1776 Declaration of Independence, 48 men the 1778 Articles of Confederation. Of the original 65 White men selected (but not elected) as state delegates to convene on May 14,1787 for the Constitutional Convention at Philadelphia, only 55 attended, and of those, only 39 signed the final document on September 17, many with reservations. None of these men, virtually all learned and/or wealthy, were typical representatives of the colonial population. James Madison, the framer usually acknowledged as the The creation of the republic, the United States of America, was conducted in secrecy, primarily by the educated and wealthy elite of white European land-owning males (the plutocrats), comprising but a tiny percentage of the colonial population. The people were not privy to the proceedings at the founding Constitutional convention, nor to the ratification process in the various state legislatures. If the people, i. e. the ninety-five percent of the population not part of the well-to-do commercial and agricultural elite, had been given a voting franchise, many historians believe the Constitution and its creation of a strong central government would have been soundly defeated. Shortly after the new central government was inaugurated in April 1789, there were reminders of the need for strong action to ward off any threats to its designs for an expanded economy and territory. The July-August 1789 popular revolt in France (the French Revolution) created anxiety among the new ruling class in labor force. There had been a number of earlier slave revolts in the colonies and the new elite knew the importance of keeping the lid on this potentially explosive population that could devastate the new economy once its members revolted. During its first few years the new government was busy signing treaties with various Indigenous nations in New York State, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Tennessee, Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi, rapidly expanding its land base for a growing restive, White population. Early on, Indigenous became suspicious that the U. S. government was using deceit in preparing the treaty language, then noting the consistent pattern of refusing to keep its promises. The Shawnee Nation rejected and the growing tensions with the Arab states of Morocco, Tunis, Algeria, and Tripoli in northern Africa over their interference through the Barbary pirates of U. S. maritime operations in the Mediterranean Sea), was of growing concern to the new government. The latter adopted the very anti-democratic 1798 Alien and Sedition Acts under its second President, John Adams (1797-1801), which were aimed at repressing unwanted popular dissent, especially as expressed by the press. The first of what were to be hundreds of subsequent foreign military interventions was initiated during the term of President John Adams over a crisis in relations with France. On July 11, 1798, Congress established the Marine Corps. Almost immediately, the U. S. Marines committed their first foreign intervention when they landed at the city of Puerta Plata on the northern coast of the Dominican Republic and captured a French privateer, one of 85 French vessels captured by the new U. S. Navy and marines. This occurred during the undeclared Naval War with France (1798-1801) in the Caribbean, which resulted partially from the continuation of anti-French sentiment in the U. S. that had been inflamed by the provocative 1789 French Revolution. Thus, the new strong central government designed to assert empire as a way of life was rapidly validating itself. Once the they know from tragic experiences what they are talking about. A major expansion of the United States occurred under President James Knox Polk (1845-1849), who provoked a policy as a diplomatic cover for hegemonic designs. Domestic agricultural and industrial production was then consistently exceeding capacity for domestic consumption. This meant that domestic U. S. prosperity increasingly became dependent upon a global reach beyond the already greatly expanded original boundaries of the the United States. The anti-imperialists were opposed to outright colonization, but they did agree on empire based on expansion of markets, versus expansion of territory. There was an overwhelming consensus, even among radicals, of the need for commercial expansion. Nonetheless, the debate raged as to how this expansion could be accomplished while furthering Under Democratic President Grover Cleveland, however, whose administration took office March 4, 1893, this effort was disfavored, the Marines were soon recalled, and annexation was for the moment dropped, only to be revived under Republican President William Mckinley. In 1898 Hawaii was finally annexed. The same year, at the conclusion of the s striving in the Twentieth Century to triumph in the contest for world dominance. The outcome of the War gave the U. S. much added capability to control sea lanes in the Caribbean and the Atlantic, enabling more secure access to Latin America and the building of the Isthmus Canal, as well as in the Pacific, enabling freer access to Asian markets. Hesitant to possess outright new colonies, the U. S. nonetheless, concluded that it did require physical occupation and administration of a second secure base, the Philippines, in the Pacific Ocean for access to east Asia, especially China. During U. S. President Woodrow Wilson character. Beware Korea, like so many other countries around the world, has been a victim of this historic matrix of U. S. cultural forces, but it was the first one where the intervention was couched in the language and ideology of the Cold War. The U. S. chose to eliminate the passionate Korean self-determination forces that rightfully sought an end to its repressive colonial legacies. Instead, the U. S. intervened on behalf of the smallest group in Korea (private, elite capitalists) and helped to perpetuate their privilege at the expense of the well-being of the vast majority of Korean citizens. This is the plight of so many peoples around the world and yet the people of the U. S. find it difficult to understand because they have not yet had their own socio-economic revolution. I pray that this important void is increasingly understood, i. e. that the U. S. civilization has yet to endure an ideological revolution addressing its historical injustices based on oligarchy and class. These identifiable culturally defining factors of U. S. civilization provide a broader context in which to understand development of U. S. officially launched the first of thousands of U. S. covert and overt interventions around the world. A military mission was quickly created on May 20 in Turkey as a bulwark against foreign aggression. Then, on May 23, only three days later, the U. S. intervened in the bloody Greek Civil War (1946-49) on the side of the neo-fascists against the Greek left who had fought so courageously against the Nazis. U. S. advisors headed by General James Van Fleet were immediately dispatched to Athens and by 1949 the Joint U. S. Military Advisory Group, with a contingent of 450 men, was virtually directing the war for the Greek army. In the last five months of 1947 alone, the U. S. sent 74,000 tons of military equipment to the right-wing government in Athens, including artillery, bombers, and napalm. The fascist Greek army finally won, but not before there were an estimated 100,000 casualties and 700,000 refugees. Initially called the Truman Doctrine, Truman working in the U. S. government. This EO became a repressive and sinister destructive force in postwar U. S. America, poisoning broad areas of its work, educational, and cultural life. The United States direct involvement in Korea beginning in August 1945 provides us the earliest example of U. S. Cold War behavior. When examined carefully, it reveals a great deal about the nature of her national psyche as it is expressed in corresponding misguided political and vicious military policies, as well as the kind of unrestrained terror that was to be in store for its victims. Fear of communism peoples, as the monolithic spread of communism, itself grossly exaggerated, was regularly confused with genuine national self-determination (democratic) movements striving for independence from Western, colonial forces. The proof of chronic distortions relating to allegations of Soviet-led is found in an honest perusal of the record, not in a blind belief in the constant rhetoric of U. S. public relations campaigns. The Soviet Union had fought with the Allies in World War I, having suffered 20 percent of all the casualties in that War. The October 1917 Bolshevik Revolution was not acceptable to the Allied and Japanese world. Even before the terrible First World War ended, the U. S. and other Western countries, along with Japan, had invaded the Soviet Union threatening her new sovereignty in order as many as had died in World War I. After the November 1918 Armistice ending World War I, the new but weakened Soviets made persistent efforts to make peace with the threatening Allies, on amost any terms. From November 1918 to February 1919, alone, the Soviet, Bolshevik government presented seven peace proposals to the Entente powers of France and Great Britain and the United States. Blatantly ignoring these proposals for peace, the military intervention of fourteen outside nations proceeded: Canada France (140,000 troops) Great Britain (140,000) Germany Italy (40,000) Greece (200,000) Serbia (140,000) Romania (190,000) newly created nations of Czechoslovakia and Poland, Finland, Latvia, Japan, and the United States . From May 1918-April 1920 a combined total of more than 900,000 troops supported the some argue was the actual beginning of the Cold War. Launching a series of campaigns in (1) the north along borders with Baltic nations and Finland, with landings at Murmansk (May 1918) and Archangel (August 1918) (2) various regions of Siberia, and on the Pacific Coast, with a major landing at Vladivostock (July 1918), and (3) the Ukraine and other southern regions around the Black and Caspian Seas (April 1919), the Allied forces intended to surround, contain, then defeat the Bolsheviks while at the same time arming and equipping the Russian forces. The Allied Supreme War Council maintained a hostile naval blockade of the new Soviet nation until January 16, 1920. In 1917, President Woodrow Wilson, consistent with his intervention philosophy in Latin America, had begun sending secret money to aid the White Russians, then in 1918 authorized support of the naval blockade while sending U. S. expeditionary military units comprising collectively 14,500 soldiers, first with 5,500 troops to Murmansk (May) and Archangel (August) in northern Russia on the White Sea, then 9,000 troops to Vladivostock (August) in eastern Russia on the Sea of Japan for penetration into Siberia as far as Lake Baikal. In March 1919 he sent additional forces to Murmansk in northern Russia near its border with Finland on the Barents Sea. U. S. casualties in the northern occupation approached 2,900. The U. S. forces in Vladivostock were joined by Japanese military (in violation of their earlier pledges to the U. S.) and moved westward nearly 2,000 miles to the Lake Baikal region to support Czech and White Russian forces which had declared an anti-Bolshevik government at Omsk more than a thousand miles further west. All U. S. troops had been removed by April 1, 1920 but Japanese forces remained until 1922. Though the Bolsheviks were ultimately successful by mid-1920 in fending off the major Allied campaigns that attempted to destroy them, the intervention had severe effects. The Russians had already withstood the invasion of their lands in 1914 by Germany and the Hapsburg empire, experiencing enormous devastation and 7 million casualties throughout World War I. They experienced a serious invasion from Poland in 1920 near the end of their Civil War. The Allied interventions from 1918-1920 tragically prolonged a bloody Civil War costing thousands of additional lives. Some say that 25 million died from combat, terror and assassinations on both sides, and war-related deaths due to famine and disease, mostly typhus, smallpox, and exposure. This weakened an already devastated nation that extended from Poland to the Pacific, from the Arctic to the Caucasus. The long-range implications fueled the Cold war. The Bolshevik leaders had clear proof that Western powers intended to destroy their new Soviet government and such awareness entrenched a Soviet regime, contributing to more totalitarian methods for survival and ruling. The U. S. suffered nearly 3,000 total military causalties, dead and wounded, during its 18 months of intervention activities in the Russian territory. In 1939 the Soviets were forced into signing the Soviet-Nazi nonaggression pact due to the incessant refusal, especially of the U. S. and Great Britain, to unite with the Soviets to stand firmly against Hitler s material output in half. By comparison, the U. S. suffered the loss of about 400,000 battle and other deaths, or only .3 percent of its population, and none of its infrastructure, with the exception of the Pearl Harbor facility on its illegally acquired Hawaiian colony. Despite the critical role the Soviet Union played in defeating the Nazis, and the staggering losses she suffered in manpower and infrastructure as a result, the U. S. nonetheless, insisted on all out of the Soviet Union. The U. S. Marshall Plan (adopted in 1948) gave 13 billion to 18 western European nations for various investment projects toward recovery from the devastating war, though most of that money was required to be spent on U. S. made goods. Japan also became dependent upon the U. S. for reconstruction. The Soviet Union received only sabotage designed to cause her more suffering. In light of this tragic historic reality, the Soviet people experience scars burned deeply into their soul, never to be forgotten. Insecurities and fears inevitably effected the Soviet character. They had every reason to fear further threats to their security, especially from other Western forces. By 1945, the Soviets were eager, not for additional military confrontation, but to achieve some accommodation with the Western powers, and to initiate a process of world disarmament that would allow them to rebuild their shattered society. They were exhausted This contributed critically to the Soviet for the foreseeable future. Even hawkish John Foster Dulles, later to become Secretary of State, had agreed that security and survival, not ieology, dictated Soviet policy. Nonetheless, in Korea, as in dozens of other nations, the U. S. insisted on rationalizing draconian measures to destroy had to be stopped The United States s Policy Planning Staff (PPS). Publishing a then top-secret document (PPS 23, February 24, 1948), Kennan laid out an honest assessment of the need for a successful U. S. imperial policy: Three-and-a-half months after Truman Kennan was so alarmed that he advocated outright U. S. military intervention in the event that the Communists win through the election process. Truman ordered parties, though other reports place the amount at 10 million. Using fear rhetoric, the SPG officers on the ground in Italy waged an intense propaganda campaign using posters, pamphlets, planted newspaper stories, etc. More sordid disinformation devices were used such as the forging of documents and letters misrepresented as being written by the Communist Party. In fact, the Communists were defeated in the April 1948 elections. No military coup was necessary. A propaganda coup had been executed with successful plausible deniability. This U. S. The whole world was now open to U. S. intervention. The device of being able to use plausible deniability (lying) has enabled, only in the arrogance of imperial fiction, of course, the U. S. to avoid taking responsibility for millions of murders and maimings of innocent human beings, destruction of civilian infrastructure such as schools, health clinics, and entire villages, and destroying the sovereignty and autonomy of entire Indigenous groups and nations. In Korea A private airline, Civil Air Transport (CAT), created in 1946 by Chiang Kai-shek s wielded their major threat. The Korean War was the first time the CIA, created in 1947, operated in a hot war. The NSC 10/2 provided the Office of Strategic Services (OSS) veterans John all of Mongolia and North China to include Manchuria, and the Kurile Islands northeast of Japan and the Ryukyu Islands southwest of Japan. When the Korean hot war began in June 1950, the Far East Division of the CIA s forces selling of large amounts of drugs (opium) to finance their operations. The Korean War was the experience that catavaulted the CIA into a large operation. In 1949, the agency with a budget of 82 million operating out of forty-seven stations. It is instructive to note, however, that the U. S. security and intelligence infrastructure that was to become so entrenched and ubiquitous during the Cold War was actually created at the beginning of World War II under President Roosevelt. After the Nazis had taken Czechoslovakia in March 1939, Roosevelt created the Interdepartmental Intelligence Conference (IIC) comprised of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), the Army and the extent of counter-sentiments thereto. As a result of Donovan and it began working immediately to destroy the existing anti-fascist, popular resistance movements, restoring oligarchic traditions of power, in effect destroying any possibility of a genuine democratic process. After Roosevelt s organization. Helms who had been voted most likely to succeed in his 1935 graduating class at prestigous Williams College in Massachusetts, would later become the director of the CIA during the Vietnam War years. In September 1946 President Truman secretly authorized in the U. S. in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, and much of U. S. Special Warfare doctrine, drew considerably from this supply of German talent and philosophy. Much of the counterinsurgency literature of the U. S. military is based on an analysis of Nazi experience in Europe, especially as to which techniques worked for controlling resistance, particularly the use of mass terror. On December 11, 1946, the Secretary of War created a special subcommittee of SWNCC to creat guidelines for covert action operations. After the subcommittee began planning for specific operations in April 1947, it soon took even another name in June, the Special Studies and Evaluations Subcommittee. But on July 24, the infamous National Security Act mentionned above became law, creating the National Security Council, an independent Army, Navy, and Air Force with a Joint Chief of Staff under a new Department of Defense (rather than the War Department), and a Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). That is the structure that remains today, and has orchestrated countless crimes in blatant violation of the U. S. Constitution, the United Nations Charter, many other international laws, while threatening the sovereignty of more than 100 nations, killing and maiming millions in the process. The U. S. has waged (and continues to wage) various covert campaigns, perhaps as many as 10,000, in these countries, in its efforts to prevent any kind of serious alternative economic and political discussion and system from competing with the immense private profits of Western style capitalism. Increasingly we know that such obsession possesses the emotional passion of a religion that knows no limits in its tyrannical, often forcefully imposed tentacles to be spread wherever U. S.-driven selfish economic interests dictate. Their U. S. oligarchic political representatives systematically respond to assure promotion and necessary protection for such exploits, whether of the covert or overt variety, no matter the costs. All of this activity has been rationalized, and made Ideologically speaking, this document articulates well our historical addiction to an imperial psychology that continues to this day. It became clear that following World War II, the United States considered all political and economic sectors or regions of influence that it did not control as being a threat to its global objectives of an integrated political-economic capitalism, i. e. promotion of the grotesquely consumptive American Way Of Life (AWOL). In early 1951, the policy directives NSC-101 and NSC-118 established further for a variety of covert operations in North Korea and China. Of course, the U. S. had already been previously conducting operations in Korea and China, as well as elsewhere, but as the Korean War gave great impetus to the CIA, U. S. hegemony through clandestine activities merely intensified. The U. S./Puppet Rhee Repression Machinery Created The U. S. understood that if it was to assert Western-style, capitalist control in Korea it had to defeat, then eliminate, the broad-based popular, democratic KPR. Instead of repatriating Japanese as mandated, the U. S. military government (USAMGIK), manned by nearly 2,000 U. S. officers, most of whom were unable to speak or understand the Korean language, quickly recruited them and their Korean collaborators to continue administrative functions. More important, and egregiously, the U. S. military government revived the feared Japanese colonial police force, the Korean National Police (KNP). About 85 percent of the Koreans who had served in the Japanese colonial police force were quickly employed by the U. S. to man the KNP. Other collaborators were recruited into the Korean Constabulary created in December 1945 by the commander of the U. S. forces in Korea, General John R. Hodge. Secret protocols, later revealed, gave the U. S. operational control of the South Korean police and all of its armed forces from August 15, 1945 to June 30, 1949. Additionally, many Japanese and Korean collaborators who had been correspondingly purged, often brutally as well, by Russian forces and the new popular Korean committees in the north, became core members of powerful paramilitary groups like the Korean National Youth (KNY) and the Northwest Youth League (NWY) in the south which would work in concert with the U. S./Rhee security forces. This was happening despite the fact that the U. S. government knew full well of Korean desires in 1945 for independence. General John Reed Hodge, commander of the XXIV Corps of the United States Tenth Army, became Commanding General of the US Armed Forces in Korea because his forces could be moved quickly to Korea after Japan The study described the extent of the 40 year Japanese rule and its collusion with an aristocratic Korean minority, reiterating that the majority of tenant-farmers were terribly oppressed. Nonetheless, the U. S. had no intention to grant the Koreans their historical legal and cultural rights to independence. And a subsequent U. S. survey of Korean attitudes disclosed that nearly three quarters of the population clearly wanted a socialist, rather than a capitalist, system. Furthermore, early reports revealed that their socialist leanings were quite independent of any directives from the Soviet Union, and were cooperative with but not under the thumb of northern Korea communists. The U. S. hurriedly organized wealthy conservative Koreans representing the traditional land-owning elite and, on September 16, convened the Korean Democratic Party (KDP). According to XXIV Corps intelligence, the U. S. had quickly identified s personal plane. At the conclusion of World War II, Goodfellow was director of a mysterious s principal U. S. advisor and was a key agent for Korean-American business deals, and likely intelligence operations, involving both the U. S. and Nationalist China prior to the success of the Communists over the Nationalists. In 1954 Goodfellow was working with the former head of propaganda operations for the OSS in importing tungsten for the U. S. which at the time was desperate to maintain its military stockpile. Rhee had been born in 1876 in Hwanghae Province, south of Pyonyang, into a struggling, though upper class family in the Yi dynasty. While attending a Methodist middle school in Seoul he repudiated Buddhism and Confucianism in favor of Christianity. However, he was vigorously opposed to the Japanese presence in Korea. He was arrested by Japanese police authorities and was sent to prison for several years. After release he had left for the United States in 1905, and was apparently able to arrange a meeting with outgoing Secretary of State John Hay in urging Theodore Roosevelt to protect Korean independence as the President was mediating an end to the Russo-Japanese War. He apparently was also able to meet with Roosevelt at his summer home at Oyster Bay, Long Island, at the very same time that Roosevelt s plane thirty-three years later with his wealthy Austrian wife whom he had met on a 1932 trip to Europe. To his credit an anti-Japanese colonialist, he had at one point been the leader of a Korean Provisional Government in exile, but was expelled in 1925 for embezzlement. Now Rhee, a Methodist, would quickly become the U. S. puppet leader in Buddhist and Confucianist Korea, just as Diem, a Catholic who had been temporarily living in New Jersey, was to be in Buddhist Vietnam nearly ten years later in the continuation of a tragic Asian policy in which the U. S. continued to confuse national movements for self-determination with monolithic communism. When he returned to Korea in 1945 few Koreans or U. S. Americans knew much about him since he had been in exile in the U. S. for a total of nearly forty years. Now, with its Korean police state forces beefed up and a Korean political puppet it could herald as the new democratic leader of a South Korea, the U. S. Military Government could begin its systematic purge of all opposition forces. On October 20, at the Welcoming Ceremony for the Occupation, Rhee made it clear he was not intending to unify the country. Rhee denounced Russia and the North and refused to work with the KPR that had been democratically created on September 6. Rhee quickly embraced the pro-Japanese Koreans already working with the U. S. military government, while denouncing the more numerous anti-Japanese advocates on the Left. On December 12, 1945, the USAMGIK, working closely with Syngman Rhee, outlawed the KPR and all its related local, provincial and national democratic peoples s organizations, youth groups, and other elements of the popular movement were targeted as well. In September 1946, disgruntled workers declared a daring strike that by October spread throughout South Korea. The USAMGIK declared martial law. By December, the combination of KNP forces, the Constabulary (called the National Defence Forces by Koreans, later to become the Republic of Korea Army or ROKA), and right-wing paramilitary units, supplemented by U. S. military forces and intelligence as needed, had forcefully contained the insurrection in all provinces. More than 1,000 Koreans had been killed with more than 30,000 jailed. Regional and local leaders of the popular movement were either dead, in prison, or had gone underground. Cheju Uprising in Response to Rhee s Plans for Separate Elections Leads to Cheju Massacre Rhee, with total U. S. support, was busily preparing for a political division of Korea involuntarily imposed on the vast majority of the Korean people. Following suppression of the October-December 1946 insurrection, in 1947 Koreans began to form small guerrilla units that conducted sporadic activities for a year or so. On March 1, 1948, a large nonviolent demonstration on Korea s rebellion that erupted on the island on April 3. As matters seemed to be getting out of hand, a number of leaders from throughout Korea attempted one last effort at peaceful reunification. An emergency national conference was convened on April 19-23, 1948, in Pyongyang, attended by most political leaders on the right as well as the left, except for Rhee. Conferees opposed Rhee s scheduled plans for separate elections in the south on May 10, about to be sanctioned by the U. S./U. N. However, the convention was unable to dislodge the U. S./Rhee position, and the elections proceeded as scheduled. This was a further depressing development for most Koreans, closing any space for democratic participation that might lead to a reunified Korea. This was the last time representatives from organizations both south and north of the 38th Parallel were to meet in Korea to discuss reunification until the historic summit between the two respective leaders nearly fifty-two years later, June 13-15, 2000. But dramatic escalation of armed resistance to the US/Rhee regime was about to begin. The U. S. military commander in Cheju, Colonel Rothwell Brown, ordered an indiscriminate scorched earth campaign as the Cheju uprising escalated. The U. S. Navy blockaded the island with eighteen warships, while bombarding it with 37mm cannons. U. S. planes conducted regular reconnaissance missions and dropped grenades and small bombs. U. S. mortars, machine guns, rockets, and M-1 rifles were provided to the NKP, the Constabulary/military, and right-wing paramilitary units. U. S. advisers conducted daily counterinsurgency briefings, interrogated and tortured prisoners, brought Japanese officers and soldiers to aid in the suppression efforts, and contributed U. S. combat troops at critical moments. All this suppression effort was applied despite the fact that officials of the USAMGIK had acknowledged prior to the uprising that the Cheju islanders had been treated cruelly by the NKP and Rhee s right-wing units. While the Cheju insurgency and the responding U. S./Rhee s southern coast. However, within two weeks this mutiny was contained by a brutal campaign coordinated by U. S. military adviser Captain James Hausman and intelligence officer Captain John Reed, and carried out by young Korean colonels with the aid of U. S. reconnaissance and transport aircraft, firepower, and ground troops as necessary. The numbers of civilians massacred dramatically escalated. All Koreans suspected of those thought sympathetic with the uprising were executed. The only rebels spared were those who agreed to collaborate with the U. S. officers to aid in identifying and hunting other participants in the rebellion. One of the collaborators apparently was Park Chun Hee, later to become dictatorial ruler of South Korea, who escaped execution by helping in the identification of his former associates, including his own brother. More than 1,000 Yosu rebels fled into the Chiri mountains in November where they joined with other guerrillas. At the time, the CIA estimated there were 3,500 to 6,000 guerrillas in the southern part of the mainland, not counting rebel activity on the Island of Cheju. It is important to note that most of Cheju s residents, like the vast majority of mainland Koreans, experienced a marginal existence under the thumb of a traditional tiny elite who owned most of the land and businesses. The Japanese occupation had strictly maintained this disparity. It is within this socio-economic context in which the majority expressed their unhappiness with the status quo, often leading to desperate guerrilla activity as the only alternative available to them. The success of the Yosu suppression gave the state security forces more confidence as they stepped up their repression efforts. Rhee quickly pushed a National Security Law through the National Assembly. The law included ambiguous language, campaigns in both the Cheju and Yosu uprisings. Korean Division Becomes Seventy-three-year-old Rhee was elected President on May 10, 1948, an election boycotted by virtually all Koreans except the conservative, elite KDP and Rhee s first premier on September 9, 1948. Meanwhile, the Russian forces that had occupied the north since August 1945 withdrew on schedule in December 1948, leaving only a small number of advisors behind. After the ROK was offically proclaimed in August 1948, the U. S. State Department argued to delay the expected withdrawal of U. S. combat troops until June 30, 1949. This provided Rhee with additional benefits from U. S. combat support against his civilian and guerrilla opposition. These forces were finally withdrawn at the end of June 1949, replaced by a 500-man Korean Military Advisory Group (KMAG), headed by Brigadier General William L. Roberts. Meanwhile, in September 1949, following the withdrawal of the majority of U. S. troops, Rhee s Kuomintang (KMT) forces who by late 1949 were sequestered in Burma in the wake of the Communist victory. All of the CAT planes had by then been safely moved to Formosa. In August 1949 Chiang Kai-Shek visited Rhee seeking an airbase in Korea that could assist the Nationalists in their continued campaign against the Chinese communists. Rhee in turn invited Chennault to Korea in November 1949 to present plans for developing a Korean air force along with the necessary secure bases. However, not until the Korean hot war started did the U. S. brass authorize the forty CAT planes relocated to six CIA training stations in Japan and Korea to fly transport, bombing and intelligence missions against Chinese installations along the coast, as well as serving the U. S./ United Nations campaigns against North Koreans. The nearly bankrupt airline, despite CIA funds, had a new lease on life, and was given the job of running the Korean National Airline as well. The Systematic Elimination of Civilian Dissent Both U. S. Secretary of State Dean Acheson and George Kennan, Asian specialist at the U. S. State Department, made it clear in 1949 that the ability of the This helps explain the large role the U. S. military played in suppressing any and all resistance to the Rhee regime: advisers with all Korean army and police units, use of spotter planes to ferret out guerrillas, daily briefings of counterinsurgency units, interrogation and torture of prisoners, regular intelligence briefings, use of transport planes carrying armed troops and supplies, and even the occasional use of U. S. combat forces. The Rhee/U. S. forces escalated their ruthless campaign of cleansing the south of dissidents, identifying as a suspected during the era of legal U. S. occupation (August 15, 1945-August 15, 1948) and the succeeding extended period until June 30, 1949 when U. S. combat troops were finally withdrawn, often are in the 500,000 range, with the lowest figure being 100,000, the highest being 800,000. Political prisoners under U. S. occupation increased from 17,000 in southern Korea at the time Rhee was brought from the United States in October 1945, to over 21,000 by December 1947. By mid-1949, there were 30,000 alleged of being thrown in prison. Agents had penetrated every organization, every student group, every cafe, and every workplace seeking any evidence of publicly expressed dissent and contempt for the Rhee regime. And even though the bulk of U. S. troops had departed, officials from the U. S. embassy and with the remaining 500 man U. S. Military Advisory Group knew and was complicit in this reign of terror. A 1948 CIA personality profile analysis of Rhee, apparently the first ever prepared on a foreign leader by the relatively new CIA, concluded: Republic of Korea (ROK). This sordid record of U. S. policy and its consequent behavior in Korea between 1945-50 served as a led to the murders of anywhere from 500,000 to one million. The Phoenix program in South Vietnam sought to eliminate the Viet Cong civilian infrastructure from 1967-72, with estimates of those killed and/or captured reaching nearly 70,000. U. S. support for the counterrevolutionary government in El Salvador and its associated death squads from 1980 to 1994 led to the murders of 75,000 people, and displacement of more than a million. In revolutionary Nicaragua, U. S. created counterrevolutionary terrorists called Contras that marauded from 1982-90 through the countryside, destroying villages and assassinating those identified as supportive of the revolutionary government. More than 75,000 Nicaraguas were murdered or severely maimed. There are many other examples, as well, perhaps six or seven dozen, where the use of military and security forces have used (and continue to use) terrorism under the aegis of fighting terrorism, more than not with U. S. support and direction, to preserve an ideology that supports the way of life for the elite and privileged at the expense of the poor majority. But with the possible exception of the barbaric purge in Indonesia from 1965-1967, which murdered anywhere from 500,000 to one million, the systematic elimination of the popular movement in Korea directed by the U. S./Rhee regime from 1945-50 continues to rank as the most aggrieved of all victim-nations during the so-called Cold War. Meanwhile, and ironically, the period 1945-50 was experienced by most U. S. Americans as being among the most pleasant in their history. Basking in military victory from World War II, feeling invincible with possession and further development of the most powerful and technologically sophisticated military weaponry ever known to humankind, the people of the United States through their plutocratic government and capitalist economics were to rule the world. They would perceive as a threat virtually any alternative political-economic idea and prevent it from taking hold. began its truly global march to everywhere. U. S. Decides To Announce Beginning of Hot War The hot war apparently began at Ongjin very near the 38th Parallel in western Korea about 3 or 4 a. m. on June 25 (Korean time), 1950. This was in the same general area where heavy fighting had erupted at Kaesong in early May 1949, when battles, apparently started by six infantry companies from the south, lasted four days, taking the lives of 400 North Korean and 22 South Korean soldiers. According to U. S. and South Korean officials, nearly 100 civilians were also killed in Kaesong. Subsequent heavy fighting occurred in June on the remote Onjin Peninsula on the west coast above Seoul, and in August when forces from the north attacked the ROKA occupying a small mountain north of the 38th Parallel. Rhee had constantly threatened attacks on North Korea, creating anxiety among U. S. advisers. Just how the fighting started and by whom on that particular day, June 25, 1950, depends on one s forces. This was announced on the morning of June 26. The details are irrelevant, however, since a civil and revolutionary war had been raging for nearly two years with military incursions moving routinely back and forth across the 38th Parallel. The war was announced to the world as a premeditated, belligerent attack of communist forces from the north against a sovereign democratic society in the south. The quick introduction of U. S./U. N. military forces beginning on June 26 occurred with no understanding by the West (except by a few astute observors such as journalist I. F. Stone) that in fact they were entering an active revolutionary, civil war in progress explicitly against five years of U. S. interference with the passionate effort of indigenous Koreans to achieve genuine independence. These additional outside forces simply fueled Korean passions even more, while creating further divisions among them. This tragic paranoid misunderstanding by the U. S. and the West in general, accompanied by deeply held racism, helps to explain, but not in any way excuse, the massive numbers of civilians ( was as commonly applied to Koreans by U. S. military personnel as it was to Vietnamese later, during the Vietnam War. The Rhee forces, mostly made up of Koreans collaborating with their former Japanese occupiers, were also merciless in their killing of fellow Korean civilians in both southern and northern areas of Korea. Continuing Threat of Use of Atomic Weapons on Northern Korea and China Due to the early military successes of the northern forces pushing the ROK army and U. S. forces far south of Seoul, General MacArthur, on July 9, 1950, requested the use of Atomic bombs to protect his retreating forces. After some deliberation in Washington, this request was denied. This was the first of at least nine separate circumstances when the U. S. seriously considered using Atomic/Nuclear bombs against northern Korea and adjacent regions of China during the Korean War. A second and had non-assembled Atomic bombs moved to aircraft carriers off Korean coasts. Seven subsequent known serious considerations of using the Bomb occurred. In December 1950, only a short time after Truman if necessary to avoid defeat. In March and April 1951, the Joint Chiefs of Staff requested use of Atomic bombs against Chinese bases in Korea and China, a plan supported in principle by President Truman who ordered the transfer (of completely assembled Atomic weapons) in Asia (Guam and Okinawa, Japan) for use against Chinese and North Korean targets if the Soviets and Chinese in any way escalated the war that spring. In June and July 1951, the Joint Chiefs of Staff requested use of Atomic weapons in tactical operations, five months after the first U. S. tests of tactical Nuclear weapons, in case of deadlocks in the peace talks that had begun in July. In October 1951, three Army colonels traveled from Washington, D. C. to Japan and Korea for a top secret meeting with General Ridgeway, commander of the U. N. forces, and other officers, in part to initiate plans and preparations for in Asia. In September and October 1951, U. S. bombers flew simulated Atomic bombing runs over northern Korea, even dropping dummy Atomic bombs, in preparation for using the real thing if peace talks were unacceptably stalled. In May 1952, when General Mark Clark replaced General Mathew Ridgeway as Commander of the U. N. forces, he proposed a number of new steps, including deployment of Atomic bombs. In February 1953, shortly after President Eisenhower was elected to office, he directly threatened China with Atomic bombs. The U. S. Air Force transferred fresh Atomic bombs to Okinawa, and its chief of staff, Hoyt Vandenberg, publicly suggested that an area in northeastern China, Mukden (Shenyang, 150 miles north of the border with Korea containing a large air base), would be an appropriate strategic target. This crisis was averted by diplomacy of Soviet leaders who immediately succeeded Stalin after his death on March 5. On May 20, 1953, the National Security Council seriously discussed the counterpart as French foreign minister, turned down the offer due to his wise realization that the French forces would be wiped out as well if Atomic weapons were used. On at least two other occasions the U. S. has seriously considered using nuclear weapons against North Korea. The first was in 1969, within a few months after Nixon became President, when the North Koreans apparently shot down a U. S. plane, killing thirty-one persons. Nixon and his Secretary of State, Henry Kissinger, recommended dropping a Nuclear bomb, but were subsequently persuaded to nix the plan. The second time was in June 1994, when President Bill Clinton was on the verge of bombing North Korea t clear whether Clinton intended to use low-level nuclear bombs, it was clear that bombing of nuclear facilities risked substantial radiation over a wide-area. Only the personal interventions of South Korean President Kim Young Sam and former U. S. President Jimmy Carter on an emergency diplomatic mission averted the crisis within hours of the planned bombing. Incredible Record of Bombings and Massacres, Murdering Millions of Civilians Introduction: Long Record of U. S. War Crimes To this day, some of the heaviest sustained bombing in the Twentieth Century was rained on Korea, especially in the north, during the three years of the Korean War. This bombardment occurred from naval ships offshore as well as from the air. As described above, the U. S./U. N. forces were intervening in a country experiencing an active civil, revolutionary war where the majority of the people were opposed and hostile to any continued occupation by outside powers. The combination of grotesque Western racism, divinely inspired ethnocentrism, fear and confusion in Western minds unwilling to distinguish between and a hostile local Korean population, were all factors contributing to the U. S./U. N./Rhee forces showing almost total disregard for human life of Korean civilians. The history of U. S. behavior in military conflicts reveals a long pattern of contempt for civilians. The U. S. government has rationalized, usually by ignoring, murders of civilians due to the fact that, in the minds of our policy makers and their military forces, either civilians are not considered fully human, or there is often little distinction made between civilians and combatants, especially where our intervention is unpopular with the majority of the victim-nation The U. S. Constitution did not recognize Indigenous Americans as citizens (and by implication considered them as non-persons). Genocide number two occurred with the forceful ravaging of numerous African communities, killing the majority in the violent process of capturing millions to become s representation in the national House of Representatives. During the Twentieth Century, hundreds of military and thousands of covert interventions in more than one hundred nations have enabled the U. S. to acquire lucrative markets and cheap resources and labor, murdering millions of innocent poor in the process, to assure success, at virtually any cost, of the American Way Of Life (AWOL). This latter record amounts to genocide number three. All three genocides have enabled the U. S. civilization to be what it is today. Our historical, selfish addiction to money and material goods requires violent, deceitful control of virtually everything in our path. This behavior causes incalculable destruction to people and the environment wherever it is applied. Our attitude seems to be that other people, especially those of are worth less, often nothing, and that we are worth more, or everything. Our heavy karma is likely to return to haunt us in unimaginable ways. During and after the Spanish American War, the behavior of the U. S. military forces in repressing the Philippine Insurrection (1899-1902) matched and exceeded the use of official terror as earlier applied against U. S. Indigenous from the Revolutionary War period through the Wounded Knee Massacre in South Dakota in December 1890. Following the quick defeat of the Spanish fleet in the Battle of Manila Bay, Philippines (May 1, 1898), Commodore George Dewey brought out of exile the historic Filipino guerrilla leader Emilio Aguinaldo and his fighters to campaign against the Spaniards. When the original hostilities ended in August 1898, the Filipinos expected nothing less than full independence. Instead the Treaty of Paris signed on December 10, 1898, ceded the Philippines to the United States. The disillusioned and furious insurgents declared their own independent republic. The U. S. refused to acknowledge the new Republic with Aguinaldo as its President. Two Filipinos were killed by a U. S. soldier on February 4, 1899, and two days later on February 6 the U. S. Senate ratified the Treaty of Paris. Thus was ignited the Philippine-American War waged by the Indigenous to rid their country of their new colonializers. They mounted a rebel army of 40,000 that began a series of guerrilla actions against 70,000 U. S. Army and Marine forces. It was the largest Marine military campaign in U. S. history up to that time. The violent counterinsurgent campaign waged by U. S. forces against indigenous Filipinos foreshadowed the U. S. war against the Vietnamese, Laotians, and Cambodians sixty-years later: a jungle war against fierce local fighters defending their independence. Frustrated with the continued Indigenous resistance, native Filipinos that the U. S. Americans referred to as and he wanted all persons killed who were capable of bearing arms and engaging in combat against the forces of the United States. In other words virtually all healthy male citizens were targets for murder. New President Theodore Roosevelt sent a letter to General J. Franklin Bell, in charge of conquering Batangas Province in southern Luzon (south of Manila), congratulating him for his scorched earth campaign that had killed, according to an earlier estimate of the secretary of the province, one-third of the population through shootings, starvation, and war-induced disease. In July 1901, President Theodore Roosevelt selected Major General Adna Romanza Chaffee to replace Brigadier General Arthur MacArthur as military governor of the Philippines, and William Howard Taft as civil governor. MacArthur had successfully subdued the Filipino rebellion on Luzon by late 1899. Interestingly, MacArthur policy ranged from 200,000 to 600,000, many buried in mass graves. Secretary of War Elihu Root (1899-1904) under President Thus was established an official United States policy of murdering civilians and caring little about distinguishing them from combatants. Once air power was introduced after the beginning of the Twentiety Century, percentages of civilian casualties dramatically escalated. Bombings tend to cause indiscriminate casualties no matter how careful the bombardiers are, or how precise the technology. Often we have been told that the first instance of bombing of civilian populations was committed by German planes in April 1937 as they destroyed insurgent Guernica and surrounding villages in the Basque region of northern Spain during the Spanish Civil War. But when Italy invaded Ethiopia in 1935-36 with the cover of 7,500 air missions it bombed and burned hundreds of villages committing systematic terror against and extermination of countless thousands of civilians. The British are believed to have used gas and incendiary bombs from warplanes indiscriminately killing massive numbers of Russian civilians and troops during the 1919-20 intervention against the new Soviet Union, and against rebellious Kurds and Arabs in British-controlled Palestine and Iraq from 1920-24 (as part of the breakup of the Ottoman Empire created by the newly formed League of Nations), attempting to control a vast area without use of ground troops. But the very first example of aerial bombing is believed to have been committed by the Italians in 1911 against Tripoli, Libya, and surrounding populations in Turkish North Africa, using live grenades thrown from open cockpits. Noncombatants were murdered ruthlessly, including destruction of a funeral parlor and a hospital. And it just escalates from there where countless civilian casualties became routine: Spanish shrapnel bombs against Moroccan villages in 1913, using exploding steel balls, perhaps an early version of today and French bombing of Damascus, Syria and surrounding towns in the Druze region (1925-26). The 1925 bombing of Sheshuan was an act of revenge for a dreadful defeat Spanish ground forces suffered there in late 1924 at the hands of Moroccan guerrillas. General Francisco Franco, who had founded the Spanish Foreign Legion in 1920, had conducted a ruthless occupation against Moroccans until the German air force moved his forces to Spain at the beginning of the civil war in 1936. The earlier defeat of the Spanish military at Seshuan was nothing that Franco would forget. Seshuan was bombed to ruins with most of its inhabitants murdered from the air with remaining survivors mostly maimed and blinded. And this massacre was assisted by a squadron of volunteer U. S. American fliers who had joined The French Flying Corps, who in turn planned the the bombing with the Spanish. Franco would use the brutal occupation of Morocco, and the total destruction through bombing of Seshuan, as the model that would guide his forth-year occupation of Spain (1936-1975). Seshuan in effect laid the foundation for the relentless bombing committed during the Spanish Civil War, symbolized by the destruction of the Basque capital at Guernica in 1937 (see above). And this record of increased dependency upon bombings with virtually no consideration for civilian life was to lay the foundation for the unprecedented bombings that were to occur during World War II, especially by the Allies and the United States in Europe and Japan. Though the United States was not the first country to use indiscriminate bombings as can be seen from the above record, it subsequently became by far the master of future relentless bombings where millions of civilians were to be murdered in World War II, Korea, Southeast Asia, Iraq, and Serbia-Kosovo. The first use of U. S. military aircraft in combat and aerial photography occurred when Navy planes supported Marines in operations in Vera Cruz, Mexico in April 1914. It is not known how many civilians were killed during this example of U. S. aerial combat. But the United States did use aerial bombings against civilian populations in Haiti as early as 1919. U. S. warships sailed into Haitian harbors at least twelve times prior to 1889, and nearly every year after, landing Marines on at least three of those occasions. In 1915 the United States military again intervened in Haiti, in their successful counterinsurgency campaign, bragging about their defeat of local opposition forces. In contrast, survivors remembered large numbers of civilians massacred in these air bombings. The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), as part of a campaign to liberate Haitians from U. S. occupation, investigated conditions in Haiti in 1920 and learned that 3,000 Haitians had been murdered by U. S. Marines and that torture had become a regular practice. The second known incidence of civilian bombings by the U. S. occurred in Nicaragua in 1927. The U. S. had militarily intervened in Nicaragua on numerous occasions, the most recent being an occupation that lasted from 1912 to1925. The Marines returned almost immediately in 1926 to Again, memories of local survivors described hundreds of dead civilians as a result of the bombings. Though forcing Sandino back to the mountains in that bombing action, the Marines were never able to definitively defeat his army, and finally withdrew in 1933 when a peace agreement was reached. During World War II, of course, there were devastating, indiscriminate bombings of cities in Germany and Japan with virtually no regard for civilian casualties. The Germans had bombed Rotterdam in Holland, Coventry in England, and other cities as well. However, these German bombings were minor when compared with British and U. S. bombing of German cities. Saturation bombings of cities such as Cologne (killing at least 20,000 civilians), Magdeburg (15,000), Wurzberg (4,000), towns along the Ruhr River (87,000), Hamburg and Berlin (50,000), Essen, and Frankfort, often at night, made no pretense of striking only military targets. In a relatively short period of time at least 600,000 German civilians were killed in these bombings, and another 800,000 injured. The incredible terror bombing of Dresden alone, with phosphorous and other high explosive bombs, by more than 1,200 allied bombers on February 13, 1945, murdered in a single night as many as 200,000 civilians While the Pacific theatre was witnessing the last battles on various islands, the Allies emulated the German carnage when they relentlessly targeted Japanese cities with saturations of incendiary bombs. U. S. air power in the Pacific was placed under the direction of 38-year-old Major General Cutis LeMay, who later bec ame the architect of the unrestrained air war in Korea. From the safety of his Quonset hut headquarters on Guam 2,000 miles away, the island the U. S. military had taken from Spain in 1898 during the Spanish American War, LeMay directed the 21st Bomber Command in its firebombing of Japan that lasted from March 9 to the very day Japan surrendered on August 15, 1945. U. S. and other Allied air forces totally or partially burned sixty-six Japanese cities to the ground through intensive, unprecedented incendiary bombing, murdering or maiming upwards of a million Japanese civilians while destroying over two and a half million homes, displacing millions. LeMay s proudest moment came on the very day when he launched the 160 day incendiary campaign. On the very first night, March 9, during just one six-hour period, the firebombing by 325 U. S. planes dropped jellied-gasoline bomb clusters over seventeen square miles of Tokyo, destroying nearly 270,000 buildings, burning alive at least 100,000 civilians while injuring many thousands more. This Japan campaign was initiated only three and a half weeks after the devastating February 13 bombing of Dresden. By mid-June, bombings of Japan s Car, piloted by Major Sweeney (filling in for the usual pilot, Frederick Bock), August 9 on Nagasaki, which immediately killed at least 100,000 and 75,000 civilians, respectively. The very manner in which these so-called constitutional democracies during World War II chose to overwhelm fascism, in effect, institutionalized abandonment of any moral standards and laws applied to war conduct. There was now clearly no difference between means for accomplishing the same result. Terror was now official policy. The pattern of murdering civilians has continued. Subsequent U. S. military operations, both on the ground and from the air, in Southeast Asia (1954-1975), Grenada (1983), Panama (1989-90), and the Persian Gulf massacre (1991), cumulatively took upwards of six million lives, the overwhelming majority knowingly or deliberately being civilians, while maiming millions more. Defenseless bombings of Libya (1986), Iraq (1993), Afghanistan and Sudan (1998), Iraq (1998-present), and Kosovo and Serbia (1999), murdered countless numbers of additional civilians as well, where civilian population and infrastructure were deliberate targets. Furthermore, various formulas of U. S. sponsorship, such as provision of weapons and/or training and funding, directly or indirectly, for counterinsurgency forces and contra terrorists, and death squads, in dozens of countries such as Afghanistan, Angola, Bangladesh, Chiapas, Mexico, Chile, Colombia, East Timor, El Salvador, Guatemala, Indonesia, Mozambique, Nicaragua and Turkey have produced upwards of six million additional civilian murders, with millions of others maimed for life. Evidence from documents prepared by the U. S. Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA), among the most secret offices of the U. S. national security apparatus, reveals that the U. S. and its dupe Allies in the U. N. deliberately destroyed Iraq public water supplies during the Persian Gulf massacre in 1991. Since the end of the war in February 1991, the U. S. has made sure that any attempts to restore a healthy water system have been thwarted, stating that spare parts and water purifying chemicals possess a dual use that could be used by the Iraqi military as well. During the January-February 1991 bombing, Iraq The subsequent blockade of Iraq has assured that the destroyed water system not be corrected, which, as a consequence, has directly contributed to the deaths of perhaps an addtional one million or more Iraqi civilians, the majority young children. In light of this history, the fact that as many as three, possibly as many as four million civilians were killed during the Korean War should come as no surprise. The documented, historical record powerfully reveals that U. S. policies have never been concerned with respecting civilians or the international laws that are in force to protect them in times of war and military conflict. Despite official U. S. rhetoric to the contrary, the facts in the record strongly suggest that the U. S. deliberately and intentionally terrorizes civilians living in apparently suspecting them of being disguised North Korean soldiers. The New York Times (December 29, 1999) similarly reported that U. S. Air Force planes bombed and strafed Korean civilians deliberately under direction of spotter planes. Now let us look at the record of the U. S./U. N./Rhee forces at the beginning and duration of the Korean War itself. The Record of War Crimes by U. S./Rhee Forces During the Hot Korean War A number of years ago I read I. F. Stone as our Constituion absolutely requires. The first casualty in war is the truth, and Korea was certainly no exception. My visit to Korea in May 2000 was my fifth journey there. On one of my earlier trips I spent ten days in North Korea. My interest in seeking a truthful account of history has become important to my own integrity as a natural born U. S. American citizen. On this visit I listened to more than a one hundred humble Korean citizens in six different communities: Kyung San near Taegu City, about 150 miles southeast of Seoul and Yuhcho Ri near Chang Rung, Ham Ahn, Ma-san, Sa-Chun and Eui Ryung, all in South Kyongsang Province, locations caught inside the defensive Pusan Perimeter about 200 miles southeast of Seoul, the line delineated by Lt. General Walton Harris Walker of the U. S. Eighth Army in the panic of July 1950. I was in tears as I listened to what happened to them, their families, and villages nearly fifty years ago. These people were all survivors of grotesque massacres committed in their presence. Reporting with excruciating details, they described their shock as they stood in the very locations where they were shot at by U. S. soldiers, and/or bombed from low-flying U. S. warplanes, often with napalm. The terror frequently lasted for several days. They emotionally described events that led to the death, maiming, and disappearances of intimate loved ones and village friends. When I calculated the cumulative casualties from five of these six villages, the numbers added up to nearly 450 killed, with another 230 or so wounded. Many of these survivors revealed evidence of permanent injuries on their bodies bomb shrapnel and bullet wounds, and napalm burn scars. The sixth community I visited was near the city of Taegu. Relatives of the victims escorted us to an abandoned Japanese cobalt mine. When the Japanese were defeated in August 1945, they, of course, abandoned their various enterprises, as was the case with this mine. It had both a vertical shaft of perhaps sixty to eighty feet, and a horizontal shaft of perhaps one hundred yards. We slowly trekked into the tight horizontal shaft for about forty yards, walking through standing water and mud, crouching to avoid hitting our heads on its low ceiling. As it was pitch black, we moved with flashlights. Then, all of a sudden, we could not move any further as the collapsed mine walls prevented any forward movement. It was at this point that the vertical shaft had at one time met the horizontal shaft. There, in plain view of the light from our flashlights, were piles of skeletal remains. Local people describe how in the late days of July and very early August 1950, crowded truckloads of tied prisoners were taken to the top of the vertical shaft, some shot in the head, and all pushed down the opening while the horizontal shaft was blocked by South Korean soldiers under the command of U. S. military officers. It was a convenient mass grave that required no new digging. Their attempts at reconstructing the number of bodies dumped into this one massive grave are derived from estimating the numbers of dump-trucks driven over the course of several days to the site from various local communities where these survivors had witnessed numerous arrests, disappearances, and multiple shootings. They believe that 3,000 to 3,500 bodies were deposited at this one site alone. One U. S. military name kept repeating itself among the Korean survivors was heard from these survivors over and over again. According to declassified documents found in the U. S. national archives by Sung Yong Park, a Korean Methodist minister and researcher at Temple University, Kean had issued standing orders that civilians located in the combat zone be considered enemy. It should be noted that the other major U. S. military division in the region at the time was the 24th Infantry, commanded by Major General William F. Dean, momentarily headquartered at Taejon, about 80 miles to the northwest of Taegu, and nearly 100 miles south of Seoul. By July 20, Dean was separated from his unit near Taejon, and for 36 days wandered on foot through the hills south of Taejon until he was captured August 25, the highest ranking U. S. POW in the War. Dean, a career military officer since 1923, had assumed command of the 24th Infantry Division in June 1950, and had served as military governor of South Korea since October 1947, though he spoke no Korean. My sixth trip to Korea in August 2000 took me to two more sites where serious massacres occurred. One was at the Kumjung cave in Ilsan/Koyang City northwest of Seoul in Kyunggi Province. To date 170 skeletal remains have been excavated in a ten feet deep, elongated cavern. People were dragged from their homes, tortured for several days, then on or about September 28, 1950, according to ten family member survivors who escorted us to the site, murdered and dropped into this cavern by a combination of U. S. and South Korean military augmented by an anti-communist paramilitary group. The other site was at the now infamous Nogun ri railroad viaduct in North Chungchong Province nearly 100 miles to the south of Seoul. Virtually the entire unarmed population from the small villages of Imgae ri and Joo Gok ri, about 600-700 people in all, were rounded up on or about July 25, 1950, and forcefully moved through an open field to railroad tracks. First surveillance planes flew overhead, only to be followed up a short time later with several planes dropping numerous bombs. People were in shock. A dozen or so survivors that accompanied us to the site estimated that perhaps 100 people were killed from the unexplained bombing as the remaining members scrambled for cover under the protection of the nearby Nogun ri twin viaduct. Heavy small arms and machinegun fire from U. S. ground forces began on the evening of July 26 and continued until July 29. Most were murdered on the first night of the strafing, several hundred in all. I personally counted well over 300 bullet holes still imbedded in the concrete approaches on either side of the viaduct. Again General William B. Kean s name was mentionned as the commander of the troops involved at Nogun ri. The 7th Cavalry of the 1st Cavalry Division, part of the 25th Infantry Division commanded by Kean, were the elements identified as being perpetrators of the massacre. This testimony provides merely a taste of the incredible repressive attitudes and behaviors operating at the beginning of the war. The massacre at Nogun Ri, first revealed to the U. S. public only on September 30, 1999 by conscientious journalists, is merely the tip of the iceberg. Local committees investigating fifty-year-old massacres are springing up throughout South Korea, creating a national citizen s investigating committee. Representatives of the Congress for Korean Reunification (CKR) and from the National Alliance for Democracy and Reunification in Korea (NADRK) have identified dozens of cases of multiple murders of noncombatant civilians in southern Korea, committed by either U. S. forces directly, or forces working for Rhee but operating under U. S. command. And a Korea Truth Commission has been established with an office in Washington, D. C. planning hearings in the United States as well as in both North and South Korea. Additionally Koreans have initially identified dozens of similar sites north of the 38th Parallel. It is important to understand these local massacres in the context of the broader attitudes and policies held by leaders of the U. S./Rhee war machine. A recently unearthed Fifth Air Force headquarters memo from Colonel Turner C. Rodgers to General Timberlake, dated July 25, 1950, states: as the enemy. When the United States/UN forces had securely re-taken Seoul and restored Syngman Rhee to power in September 1950, U. S. Embassy reports indicate that Rhee directed a massive vindictive campaign that led to the rounding up and execution of more than 100,000 people alone in just a short period after his return to power. This figure is larger than the total number of people the U. S. government claimed were killed by northern and southern communists during the entire war. And in the autumn of 1950 when U. S. forces were in retreat in North Korea, General Douglas MacArthur ordered all air forces under his command to destroy This fact cannot be ignored forever At the time the Korean War broke out on June 25, 1950, many of the thousands of prisoners languishing in Rhee s forces during the war. President Truman, supporting General MacArthur s population ever killed through war in all of history. The truth is that the war in Korea, though primarily confined to the Korean Peninsula with some dangerous overlap in neighboring China, was an almost unlimited war of incredible mass destruction. In addition to perhaps the heaviest and most sustained saturation bombing ever recorded, over a period of thirty-seven months (including the intense forty-three days of bombings of Iraq in January-February 1991 and the seventy-eight days of bombings of Serbia and Kosovo in former Yugoslavia in March-June 1999), U. S. war planners regularly considered using Atomic weapons, as discussed above, and seriously considered use of chemical weapons (gas). In December 1950, General Mathew B. Ridgeway, after being appointed commander of the Eighth Army in Korea, is believed to have asked General MacArthur for use of gas. Ridgeway in Korea employing a daily average of 70,000 gallons against personnel and supply lines. Improvement in flame throwers, white phosphorous and smoke bombs also were noted during the war. Germ Warfare The secret use of germ warfare in Korea and portions of China in late 1951 and throughout 1952 is described in detail in a twenty-year study by Stephen Endicott and Edward Hagerman published in 1998, The United States and Biological Warfare: Secrets From the Early Cold War and Korea (Indiana University Press). Endicott and Hagerman thoroughly research the best kept military secret of the large biological warfare (BW) program developed on a crash basis between 1951 and 1953. In December 1951, the U. S. Secretary of Defense, Robert A. Lovett, ordered that for offensive use of biological weapons. Two months earlier, in October, after some large U. S./U. N. defeats, the U. S. Joint Chiefs of Staff (JCS) had hand-delivered a secret order to General Mathew B. Ridgeway, then commander of all U. N. forces, to start germ warfare on a limited experimental scale in Korea. A later JCS directive on February 25, 1952 authorized a larger field test. The First Marine Air Wing operating under the direction of the Fifth Air Force carried out the secret missions. The U. S. had a number of CIA officers in North Korea and China collecting data on the effectiveness of the germ warfare program. If uncovered, the U. S. was to fall back on the fact that it had not signed the 1925 Geneva Protocol on biological warfare and had not participated in the 1907 Hague Convention that outlawed chemical weapons. Advanced biological warfare (BW) was developed in Japan (Unit 731) in occupied China during the 1930s and 1940s under the leadership of Lt. General Shiro Ishii. Following the Japanese defeat in World War II, the U. S. granted immunity to a number of Japanese scientists who were war criminals having conducted extensive biological warfare experiments both on Chinese cities, as well as having murdered more than 3,000 prisoners of war, including some U. S. POWs, in the course of carrying out scientific germ war tests. This immunity was granted in return for their cooperation in sharing their advanced knowledge of biological warfare with the U. S. and explicitly not with the Soviet Union. The U. S. Biological Warfare Laboratories, first established in 1943 at Camp Detrick in Frederick, MD, escalated their research and development of biological warfare using the knowledge from the Japanese researchers. By 1949, the U. S. JCS had biological warfare built into emergency war plans. In fact, the U. S. had an operational biological weapons system when the war started, and it was utilized at the very end of 1951 and throughout much of 1952 in both North Korea and portions of China. By 1952 the U. S. was spending nearly half a billion dollars on its BW program. The U. S. military lied to Congress and the U. S. public in declaring that their biological warfare program was purely defensive and only for retaliation. This program was similar to Operation Paperclip wherein the U. S. freed thousands of German POWs who had been scientists, doctors, and intelligence agents, granting them annonymity and immunity in return for becoming However, it is important to remember that Lord Jeffrey Amherst introduced the use of biological warfare in North America against Indigenous Americans in 1763 during the final battles of what became known in Other historians reported that the disease spread like wildfire among a number of tribes in addition to the Ottawas, and that the toll was over 100,000 dead. In the nineteenth century, the U. S. Army continued the use of contaminated blankets to control, then eliminate Indigenous Americans, especially those living in the Plains. See Stearn, E. Wagner, and Allen E. Stearn, The Effects of Smallpox on the Destiny of the American Indian (Boston: Bruce Humphries, 1945) . It is important to note that the U. S. pattern of using chemical and biological warfare has continued throughout the Twentieth Century. In Vietnam, under President s forests. An area the size of the states of Massachusetts and Rhode Island, (6 million acres/9400 square miles/24,400 square kilometers/2.4 million hectares) was decimated with chemicals that today remain in the Vietnamese food chain, causing a continuing tragedy of elevated cancers and birth defects. And subsequent documents reveal that the chemical companies knew no later than 1965, and that the U. S. government knew as early as 1967, and perhaps earlier, of the long-term health risks and sought to keep that information from the public, and from its own troops. When President Nixon was in office (1969-1974) the U. S. waged bacteriological warfare against Cuba. First Nixon directed that clouds be seeded over non-agricultural areas to induce torrential downpours causing flooding, while attempting to prevent rains over cane and other agricultural areas to induce draught. Then the CIA introduced African Swine Fever which decimated Cuban pig herds, a major source of protein in Cuba. The Cubans were forced to slaughter 500,000 pigs. This was the first outbreak of this disease in the Western hemisphere in the Twentieth Century. Under President Reagan and Vice President Bush, there were new outbreaks of African Swine Fever, and two outbreaks of hemorrhagic dengue. It was the first eruption of hemorrhagic dengue in generations in Latin America. Thus the notion of disease as a weapon, an example of biological and/or chemical warfare, is historically rooted in the policies of the U. S. government through its military and CIA. Examples of War Crimes From the Air and On the Ground in Korea The list of aerial bombings and ground shootings of civilians is almost endless. Examples of war crimes from the air: Late June-early July 1950, U. S. bombs Pyongyang over 700 civilians killed, over 100 injured. July 2, 1950, U. S. bombs Chang-Yun one civilian killed, 17 injured. July 5, 1950, U. S. bombs Sok-Cho 3 civilians killed. July 11-12, 1950, U. S. bombs Iri train station and adjacent market hundreds of civilians killed and wounded. July 14, 1950, U. S. bombs Tong-Chun 68 civilians killed. July 19, 1950, U. S. ground forces herd 2,000 civilians into a mountain pass near Youngdong then order bombing by U. S. planes all civilians believed to have been slaughtered. July 22, 1950, U. S. bombs Nanam 227 civilians killed, 177 injured. July 26, 1950, U. S. bombs Chul-Won 54 civilians killed. July 26, 1950, U. S. bombs Sariwon 107 civilians killed. July 29, 1950, U. S. bombs Chojang Ri in Konmyong region 64 civilians killed, 43 injured. July 1950, U. S. bombs Nampo 448 civilians killed. July 1950, U. S. bombs Hwang Hapdo 48 civilians killed, 27 injured. July 1950, U. S. bombs Wonsan 1,847 civilians killed, 2,367 injured. July 1950, U. S. bombs Hamhung 297 civilians killed, 446 injured. August 20, 1950, U. S. bombs Jangji in Kunbuk-myon region 100 civilians killed, 100 injured. November 8, 1950, seventy B-29s drop 550 tons of incendiary bombs on Sinuiju along the border with China Sinuiju virtually eliminated as an inhabitable city. November 15, 1950, U. S. napalms Hoeryong virtually total city burned. By November 25, 1950, a vast amount of territory of the northwest region of North Korea between the Yalu River and southwards toward enemy lines was a December 14-15, 1950, U. S. drops on Pyongyang 700 (500-lb) bombs, napalm, and 175 tons of delayed-fuse demolition bombs. January 3-5, General Ridgeway orders the Air Force to burn Pyongyang to the ground with incendiary bombs. U. S. B-29s drop new bombs on Kanggye. These bombs were 21 feet high and weighed 12,000 pounds. Inflicting enormous damage, they were very inaccurate, and were discontinued. January 19, 1951, U. S. bombs Sansung Ri and Jinpyong Ri in Bobuk-myon region 49 civilians killed, 90 injured. January 20, 1951, U. S. bombs with napalm a 150 yard-long cavern in Youngchoon, 90 miles southeast of Seoul, incinerating 300 civilians who had taken refuge there. Lunar New Year, 1951, U. S. bombs Cheo Ri in Kumsung-myon region 17 killed, 21 injured. Beginning in February 1951, U. S./U. N. warships begin sustained bombardment of the coastal cities of Wonsan, Songjin, and Chongjin that lasting 861 conscutive days, creating a stopping only one minute before the ceasefire hour of 10 p. m. on July 27, 1953. July-August 1951, more than 10,000 U. S. sorties conduct sustained bombing raids over Pyongyang where the pre-war population of half a million is now reduced to less than 50,000 due to casualties from bombing and attempted emigration to rural areas. Cities such as Hamhung, Chongjin, and Wonsan along the eastern coast on the Sea of Japan, and Sinuiju on the Yalu River bordering with China, are hit as well. Rural villages and surrounding areas carpet bombed as well. August 15, 1951, Korean Liberation Day, U. S. initiates a relentless bombing campaign intended to sever the Peninsula at the Yalu and Tumen Rivers, and to exhaust the population. From August 1951 to April 1952, the U. S. air forces (Marines, Navy, and Fifth and Twentieth Air Forces) fly more than 90,000 sorties against hundreds of rail lines with their locomotives and trains, bridges, and highways (claiming destruction of nearly 35,000 trucks). Napalm, fragmentation, and incendiary bombs are dropped on virtually anything that moves, including horse and push carts, as well as all buildings and shelters that might function as storage depots. Note: By early 1952, virtually everything in northern and central Korea has been levelled. June 23, 1952, U. S. bombs 11 hydroelectric plants along the Yalu bordering China, including the 4 most vital dams and power systems in North Korea, for example the huge Suping dam that supplied most of North Korea s as well, depriving North Korea of much of their electrical power for the remainder of the war. Simultaneously, the U. S. attacks numerous factories and mines. Beginning July 11-12, 1952, continuing through August, U. S. bombers are joined by war planes from Australia, South Africa, and South Korea in carrying out new sustained saturation bombings and burning campaigns on Pyongyang and 77 other North Korean cities and towns thousands killed. The civilian population of Pyongyang is substantially reduced further to about 40,000. On August 29, 1,403 sorties are involved, dropping 2,700 gallons of napalm and 697 tons of bombs, with 62,000 rounds of ammunition expended to strafe at low levels. September 1952, U. S. bombs oil refineries at Rashin near the border with Russia. May 13-16, 1953, U. S. bombs 5 irrigation dams that supply water for most of the country s rice production. Countless numbers of civilians killed from the flooding (number unknown). This is precisely the kind of war crime for which the Allies had condemned the Germans when they bombed the dikes in Holland in 1945. Many of the bombs dropped in Korea were of the delayed-action variety, timed to detonate anywhere from one to forty-eight hours after impact. Thus, repair crews operated not knowing when they, too, would be killed or injured from these delayed explosions. Examples of war crimes on the ground (sometimes supported by aerial bombings): July 11, 1950, Euisan 54 civilians killed, 300 injured. July 26-29, 1950, Nogun Ri several hundred civilians killed. (In August 2000, I personally took testimony from survivors in this village). August 2, 1950, Sa-Chun 54 civilians killed, 57 injured. (In May 2000, I personally took testimony from survivors in this village.) August 3, 1950, Yeh-Kwan-Kyo several hundred civilians killed and injured. August 3, 1950, Go-Ryung several hundred civilians killed and injured. August 3, 1950, U. S. forces detonate the Tuksong and Waegwan bridges crossing the Naktong River, twenty-five miles apart, hundreds of civilians fleeing on the bridges at the time are killed. August 10-11, 1950, Ma-San 83 civilians killed. (In May 2000, I personally took testimony from survivors in this village.) August 21, 1950, Life Magazine reports that U. S. officers ordered soldiers to shoot at clusters of civilians. August 20-22, 1950, Eui-Ryung 73 civilians killed, 50 injured. (In May 2000, I personally took testimony from survivors in this village.) August 1950, 15 days of ground shooting supported by bombings, Chung Gi Ri in Ham-Ahn county 170 civilians killed, 200 injured. (In May 2000, I personally took testimony from survivors in this village.) August 25, 1950, Chang Ryung 60 civilians killed, 20 injured. (In May 2000, I personally took testimony from survivors in this village.) September 28, 1950, Kumjung Cave in Ilsan, 170 skeletal remains to date. (In August 2000, I personally took testimony from survivors in this village). September 1950, General MacArthur re-imposes the Rhee regime. A U. S. Embassy official estimated that after September, often with the direct knowledge or assistance of U. S. military. One day in February 1951 in Kochang a massacre took place with some 600 civilians herded into a ditch and murdered with machine guns. October 17 December 7, 1950, for 52 days U. S. forces occupy the city of Sinchon, 50 miles southwest of Pyongyang. Over 35,000 civilians are systematically slaughtered, several thousand are burned to death when herded into enclosed shelters and ignited with gasoline. January 19, 1951, Yeh-Chun 49 civilians killed, 90 injured. January 20, 1951, Dan-Yang 300 civilians killed. Note: This list is to be continued with the receipt of further information from research and new revelations. Post-War Korea Rhee s Turbulent Regime Until Overthrown in April 1960 Rhee continued to rule as a tyrant after the war, and continued to be increasingly unpopular with both his U. S. protectors and a majority of his Korean subjects until he was run out of the country by massive demonstrations in April 1960, when Rhee was eighty-five years old. Rhee and his Austrian wife Francesca hurriedly went into exile in Hawaii. Convinced of his own messianic importance, Rhee was labeled by the CIA at the beginning of the hot Korean War as (italics added) For a brief time after Rhee s democracy. It is interesting to note that in December 1960, during this open period, the surviving people from the now famous July 1950 massacre at the village of No Gun Ri, first took their grievances and request for compensation to the U. S. and Korean governments. The U. S. government shunned the request. As the reader may remember, a September 29, 1999 Associated press story first made public the U. S. massacre at No Gun Ri, which has opened a floodgate from many other locations of similar massacre accounts. However, the elite land owners and the right-wing became terrified with this drift to the The Korean economy was still relatively poor, and it retained a dependency on the United States. The Korean military and the right-wing were quickly running out of patience. They wanted to be in charge. The military coup of May 16, 1961, tragically concluded this short experiment with Korean democracy and hoped-for reunification with the North. Repressive Military Dictator, Pro-American General Park Chung Hee, 1961-1979 The regime of repressive military dictator, pro-American and prosperity for a middle class, and the expansion of octupus-like corporations known as Chaebols. These were, and are, generally family-owned and managed groups of commercial enterprises that operate monopolies and oligopolies in particular product lines and industries. Usually they originated in landed families with direct lineage. However, this He quickly established the Republic of Korean (ROK) CIA shortly after his 1961 coup, and by 1964, this secret agency had 370,000 officers and staff. Park s reign abruptly ended with assassination on October 26, 1979 by his then Korean CIA chief, Kim Chae-gyu. Rev. Moon, who many U. S. Americans have heard so much of, considers himself the new Messiah, and his wealthy organization, working with assistance from Kim Chong Pil, purchased substantial influence inside the U. S. government, as well as with Japan. In 1982 Moon was the main financial backer for creation of The Washington Times, a staunch supporter for the Reagan-Bush terrorist policies in Nicaragua, El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala. Moon s money remains mysterious, his simultaneous connections to the Bush family, Kim Dae Jung in South Korea, and Kim Jong Il in North Korea, will provide an interesting side scenario in the early 2000s. The U. S. CIA assisted in recruiting cadres for the KCIA, using similar methods being used to staff the Vietnamese Central Intelligence Organization (CIO) under Diem, which was the early beginnings of the later Phoenix assassination program. The CIA sent its top psychologist to Seoul to assist in the inital selection of the nucleus for the KCIA. Tests were given to a number of Korean police and military personnel to assess candidates strengths and weaknesses using a The CIA also immediately dispatched interrogators (cf. torturers) to Korea, initially working at the newly created joint KCIA-USCIA interrogation center in Yon Don Tho outside Seoul. Repression of dissidents, i. e. those who advocated reunification of the Peninsula or were critical of Park s tenure, making it a capital offense to disturb the tranquility of the nation, i. e. to advocate discussions about reunification with the North. By the early 1960s there were more than 700 of these political prisoners housed for life in a separate compound at the big prison at Taejon, a facility that had no heat, allowed no visitors, and provided no bedding. An ex-guard at the prison described how the men kept warm in the winter by rubbing quickly with their hands on their skin, over and over, day and night. Each of these prisoners were promised immediate release if they signed a statement refuting their advocation of reunification of the two Koreas. Most of these men who survived their cruel incapacitation served more than 30 years before beginning to be released in the mid-to-late 1990s. Of the nearly 100 ex-prisoners still alive in August 2000, more than half chose in early September to return to North Korea and resume their passion for reunifying their homeland. Park sent 312,000 military soldiers to aid the U. S. war against the self-determination forces in Vietnam during the period September 1965 to March 1973. The U. S. paid the bill for these forces, who were known for their brutality, making this one of the largest mercenary operations in history. General Chae Myong-shin served as the Commander-in Chief of the South Korean troops in Vietnam from 1965-1969. Korean primary area of operations was in II Corps along the central Vietnam coast from Phan Rang, south of Cam Ranh Bay, to Qui Nhom, further north. The ROK Marine Corps 2nd Blue Dragon Brigade landed in Vietnam in September 1965 and operated in northern areas until February 1972. The Capital Tiger Division also arrived in September 1965 in Qui Nhon. The ROK 9th White Horse Division landed at Ninh Hoa near Cam Ranh Bay in September 1966 in the more southern area of their area of operations. At any one time, there were about 50,000 Korean troops present there. Future Korean military dictators, Chun Doo-hwan (1980-1988) and Roe Tae Woo (1988-1993), served under Chae as Korean military officers in Vietnam, receiving much of their preparation. A total of 5,083 Korean soldiers were killed during the Vietnam War. In the year 2000, Kim Ki-tae, a former Korean Marine officer in Vietnam, confirmed massacres of civilians by his forces in 1966 in Quang Ngai Province in Vietnam. Korean troops massacred at least 1,000 plus civilians (out of a population of 6,000) in Binh An (January February 1966) and another 600-700 in neighboring Quang Ngai and Phu Yen Provinces in early 1966. How many other civilians were killed is not yet known. And Kim Yeong Man, a ROK Marine veteran of the war in Vietnam, is the only known member of the 312,000 Korean troops who served there who has returned his war medals to the Korean government and publicly apologized for his role in the murder of civilian populations. which in turn high-financed his powerful lobby in the U. S. while enabling maintenance of incredible covert intelligence operations against Korean dissidents living and studying in the U. S. with the assistance of the FBI, and most likely the CIA as well. Dictatorial Regimes of Major General Chun Doo-Hwan, 1980-1988, and General Roh Tae Woo, 1988-1993 The October 26, 1979 assassination of President Park created a brief void in the South Korea power structure. U. S. President Jimmy Carter became anxious about political stability and possible threats from North Korea and sent an aircraft carrier to near Korean shores. The U. S. relied on the predictable Korean military for assuring security. On December 12, 1979, Major general Chun Doo Hwan, chief of the Defense Security Command (DSC), and General Roh Tae Woo, commander of the ROK s Ninth Division stationed in Seoul, both nominally under U. S. military control, executed a coup with thirty-six other Korean military officers. This coup brought to power the 1955 graduating class of the Korean Military Academy, arresting a number of other ROK officers who fled to the U. S. Eighth Army headquarters in Seoul for protection. Nonetheless, in the early months of 1980 there was some political space throughout the country under an interim government that restored some of the political rights that had been forbidden unde r Park. In late April some miners took over a small town in eastern Korea, and Chun Doo Hwan used this political activities, including that they be empowered to independently assess the reliability of Korean political candidates. After Chun took over as head of the KCIA, demonstrations erupted all over the country, and by mid-May thousands of students and regular citizens were in the streets of virtually every city. m On May 17, Chun declared martial law, closed the universities, dissolved the legislature, banned all political activity, and arrested thousands of political leaders and demonstrators in the late night hours of May 17-18. In effect, Chun completed the coup begun on December 12. In the process, the Kwangju rebellion was ignited. See account and chronology in section below. Chun was President Reagan Chun received a further boost when the Reagan administration sold South Korea thirty-six jet fighters and added several thousand more U. S. troops to be stationed there. Shortly after his Washington visit, in February, Chun arranged for his own inauguration as President of South Korea. His tenure was full of repression for thousands of dissidents, along with rampant corruption. In 1981 alone, he had arrested over 37,000 civic, labor, and student leaders for their political views and imprisoned them in remote areas. By the end of his Presidency in 1988 he had amassed 900 million through various illegal schemes. Understandably his repressive presidency was extremely unpopular. After another student had been tortured to death in 1987, the ruling party nominated Chun s successor. Roh continued the repressive and corrupt practices of Chun, having amassed an illegal fortune of 650 million for himself. The election of Kim Young Sam in 1993 finally removed the Korean military from their explicit rule from within the presidency itself, though retaining plenty of power over Korean political policy. In 1996, Chun and Roh were tried for their role in the December 1979 coup, in the 1980 Kwangju massacre, and for outrageous corruption. On August 22, 1996 they were convicted, Chun sentenced to death but commuted to life, Roh receiving 22 years in prison. Kwangju Massacre, May 1980 To help understand the U. S. role in this May 1980 massacre, it is instructive to describe the political context in the critical year 1979, and the thinking that derived therefrom in the minds of the so-called human-rights-oriented Carter administration officials in Washington, D. C. The January 1, 1959 Cuban people s life, and by 1979, a nineteen-year harsh economic embargo, had terribly hurt but not destroyed the Cuban revolution, and it is almost beyond belief in U. S. American political minds that Cuba remains independent of the United States and its savage capitalist model. The U. S. final defeat in Southeast Asia (Vietnam) on April 30, 1975, was still deeply stinging U. S. politics. It also stung the Korean leadership. Korean Park had expressed feeling threatened by the 1975 U. S. pullout in Vietnam and increasingly considered the U. S. as an unreliable ally. In January 1979, Vietnamese troops marched into Phnom Penh, Cambodia (Kampuchea) and ousted the ruthless Khmer Rouge regime, the U. S. to choose to support Pol Pot at the U. N. against the continued U. S. enemy Vietnam which now was backing the new government in Cambodia. In January 1979, the western-friendly Shah of Iran (who was placed in power in the first place by a CIA coup in 1953) was deposed, and forced to flee the country. The western-unfriendly Ayatollah Khomeini returned from exile on February 1, 1979 and quickly proclaimed an Islamic Republic. On July 19, 1979, the Sandinistas, accused by the U. S. of being for Western capitalist interests around the globe. When President Reagan came into power in January 1981, the U. S. very quickly started planning ways to thwart the Sandinista government, leading to an all out effort utilizing U. S. trained and armed terrorist forces and an economic blockade aimed at overthrowing the government. In neighboring El Salvador, serious strikes and widespread dissent broke out from March through May 1979. An anticipated military coup occurred on October 15, 1979, launching a civil war that lasted until a U. N.-brokered peace accord was signed in 1991. In 1980 the U. S. started pouring in the first of what became billions of dollars to support a series of corrupt, death-squad supporting governments to contain and defeat the guerrillas and the popular movement working for democratic changes throughout the society. On October 26, 1979, Korean in Korea. On November 4, 1979, the U. S. Embassy in Tehran, Iran was seized by Islamic militants, and 62 U. S. Embassy staff were taken hostage. This was another serious blow to U. S. prestige and hegemony. On November 6, 1979, President Carter created a secret policy-making crisis team to monitor the evolving situation in Korea ( and Donald Gregg, intelligence staff of the National Security Council and previously CIA station chief in Korea (1973-1975). On December 12, 1979, Chun and Roh seized control of the South Korean military. On December 25, 1979, 85,000 Soviet troops invaded Afghanistan at the of Babrak Karmal, joining a large number of So viet troops already present there. Carter had begun to send covert aid to murky Marxist but anti-Soviet elements in July 1979, contributing to fears by a pro-Soviet government that it would be covertly overthrown by the U. S. In February 1980, U. S. military intelligence knew that Korean Special Forces were being used by Chun to assure stability in domestic affairs. On May 7, 1980, U. S. Ambassador Gleystein cabled that he was aware of Korean movement of two Special Forces brigades to Seoul for actions against student demonstrators. On May 8, 1980, the U. S. Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) cabled the Joint Chiefs of Staff detailed information about the deployment of Korean Special Forces 13th Special Warfare Command (SWC) Brigade, 11th Brigade and 7th Brigade to Seoul and Kwangju. The cable included information about the extensive training of these units in the use of CS gas for riot control purposes. Conversation with a former Korean military official who was a member of the Fiftieth Division supply office at Taegu at the time of the Kwangju massacre, indicated that U. S. military experts in chemical weapons briefed Korean military personnel on using those weapons to have a paralyzing effect on the rioters at Kwangju. (CS is a virulent form of tear gas banned in some countries as a form of chemical warfare.) On May 8, 1980, Ambassador Gleystein, with the advance approval of Warren Christopher and Richard Holbrooke, assured Chun that the U. S. would not oppose contingency plans to use military troops to maintain order. On May 17, 1980, Chun declared martial law provoking massive ecalations of street protests, seriously threatening Korea U. S. Embassy was alarmed. On May 18, elite Special Forces paratroopers of the 7th Brigade ( s Special Forces had a reputation for brutality stemming from their actions in Vietnam. In sixteen other municipalities of South Cholla whole populations rose in rebellion. The 11th SWC Brigade, at some point, joined the 7th Brigade. On May 19, a U. S. Embassy information officer present in Kwangju communicated to Ambassador Gleystein who in turn cabled Washington reporting On May 21, hundreds of thousands of demonstrators drove the soldiers from Kwangju city. The city was immediately administered by citizen s martial law forces requested to retake the city. About 500 people were already dead with nearly 1,000 missing. On May 22 (in the afternoon in Washington but in the daylight morning hours of May 23 in Korea), Carter convened a high-level White House meeting to discuss the crisis in Korea. According to minutes of the National Security Council (NSC), participants included: Edmund Muskie, the new Secretary of State Warren Christopher Richard Holbrooke Zbigniew Brezinski, Carter On May 23, Ambassador Gleystein told acting Korean President Choi Hyuh Ha that On the evening of May 26 loudspeakers from helicopters warned Kwangju s citizens that the 20th Division would enter the city at dawn on May 27 and that all citizens should disarm and return to their homes. On May 27, at 3 a. m. the 20th Division entered Kwangju, killing anyone on the streets who did not lay down his or her weapons, whether sticks, stones, or more serious weapons, many of which had been seized from local armories. The final death toll has never been definitively determined, but estimates run as high as 2,500, with 15,000 injured, and 2,000 armed dissidents going into hiding in the nearby mountains. Conclusions about the Role of the U. S. in South Korea, 1945 to Present The United States has essentially been continuously present in and the dominator of Korean society and politics since its military forces first landed at Inchon on September 8, 1945, following defeat of the Japanese in World War II. Korea had been earlier occupied since 1905 by the imperial Japanese. The U. S. quickly imported a Korean puppet from the United States, Syngman Rhee, to be the front man. The U. S. oversaw a systematic cleansing between 1945-50 of the popular movement of Koreans who desperately desired their independence from any outside forces. Obviously, the popular movement was vehemently opposed to the U. S. occupation. A civil war developed between the wealthy Koreans and their police/military apparatus, bolstered by the U. S. who supported continuation of an oligarchy, and those Koreans (the vast majority) who wanted genuine independence and democracy. It was the brutal repression of Korean dialogue and aspirations for independence that directly led to the hot war. Following the end of the hot war, from 1953 to the present, the U. S. has continued with its occupation. Korea has received over the years huge amounts of U. S. aid, and until the late 1980s, was the third largest cumulative recipient of post-World War II foreign aid behind Israel and Egypt. From 1968-1971, during the Vietnam War, the U. S. oversaw the spraying of nearly 60,000 gallons of chemical poisoning (Agent Orange) in the area of the Korean DMZ, effecting the health of 30,000 Korean troops stationed there while at the same time contaminating the food chain. The United States maintains an elaborate system of military bases and locations, large and small, throughout South Korea. Currently there are 37,000 U. S. troops at 100 military installations. There are four major Air Force bases: Osan (7th Air Force), Kwangju, Kunsan, and Taegu and two naval bases: Kunsan, and Chunhae near Masan. There are a number of U. S. Army camps clustered in several locations: eg. at Uijongbu, Tongduchon, Chunchon, Taejon, and Munsan. The headquarters base for the U. S.-ROK combined forces, and the 8th U. S. Army, is at Yongsan in downtown Seoul. The U. S.-ROK combined forces command is headed by a four star general, currently General Thomas Schwartz. The 8th Army is commanded by a three star general. From the Korean War until 1991, the U. S. had hundreds of nuclear weapons in the South, with more than 150 nuclear warheads stored at Kunsan. There were nuclear units at ten locations throughout South Korea. Though the U. S. now claims it has no nuclear weapons on the land base of Korea, it is believed almost certainly that it possesses them on ships offshore. The U. S. operates two bombing ranges, one called Koon ni at the village of Maehyang Ri on the west side of the Peninsula, the other near Mt. Taebak on the east side. Popular Korean opposition to the range at Maehyang Ri has led to its being called the Vieques of Korea, because of similarities to the struggle of Puerto Ricans to rid itself of the Navy bombing range at their island of Vieques. The U. S. now acknowledges the presence of Depleted Uranuim (DU) munitions in Korea, and admitted there were two inadvertant uses of DU weapons in 1997. Koon ni was termed the when during the 1980s it served as the site for nuclear air-to-surface bombing practice runs. Except at the DMZ area around Panmunjom where U. S./U. N. forces are present, the DMZ is occupied by three defense lines of ROK units. Most U. S. forces remain at U. S. camps at different locations in the South. As recently as June 13, 2001, General Thomas Schwartz of the U. S.-ROK combined forces declared to the U. S. Senate Armed Services Committee that his units and equipment were prepared for any North Korean attack against the South. He identified 1,500 strike aircraft capable of launching 1,000 daily sorties, 5,000 tracked vehicles, 3,000 tanks, and over 250 combat ships. U. S. Pacific military commander Admiral Dennis Blair reminded the world in a March 2001 interview that North Korea remains for the U. S. the North Korea has multitudes of military installations and locations buried deep underground. The U. S. has been concerned about enemies being able to wage wars from undergound bunkers and protected weapons sites. The San Francisco Bay area Western States Legal Foundation acquired February 2000 DOD plans, s, are stimulating this DOD research to conquer the last challenge in order to possess overwhelming military capabilities on and under the ground. From the end of the war in 1953 to the present, U. S. troops have committed over 100,000 crimes against the Korean citizenry, including brutal rapes and murders. Because of an historically weak Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA), Korean officials and its judicial system has had little jusisdiction over prosecution and punishment. Similar to local rage in Okinawa, Japan, for crimes committed against Okinawans by U. S. troops, Koreans regularly demonstrate for removal of all U. S. military from its territory as well. On February 9, 2001, the whole world was made aware of a tragic accident in waters off Honolulu, Hawaii, when the U. S. nuclear submarine, USS Greenville, collided with a Japanese fishing vessel, Ehime Maru, killing nine of its 35 passengers. What is not known, however, is that a similar accident occurred in Korean waters three years earlier. On February 11, 1998, a fishing vessel out of Pusan, the 27 ton Youngchang-Ho, was hit by the 7,000 ton U. S. nuclear submarine, Lajolla. Even the Korean government hushed this accident for fear of alienating itself from the U. S. The Captain of the Korean fishing vessel, Mr. Jung Chang-soo and his crew of four, were saved in the accident, though originally they were arrested and denied access to the press to tell of the collision. Only now is the news of that accident beginning to be made public. Despite the election in 1998 of popular Kim Dae Jung as President of South Korea, it is questionable just how much Kim is in charge of the political economy. The IMF has mandated severe economic restructuring, virtually destroying the unique Korean chaebol-based economy. Though the chaebols were monopolistic and oligarchic, they were distinctly Korean for the most part. Continued demonstrations by students and labor for better working conditions and social services, and for removal of the U. S. military from Korea, are regularly met with overwhelming force by riot police and the ROK forces as needed. Now that Korea has been forced to incorporate its economy into the international globalized absentee investor world, there is ever more pressure for Korea to contain dissent and maintain the status quo of a society rapidly losing its historic sovereignty to globalization. There are real forces that call the bottom line shots in Korea, muting much of Kim s power and influence. On the U. S. side, there is first the U. S. commander of the U. S.-ROK combined forces, a four star general. Then there is the 8th Army commander, a three star general, the U. S. Ambassador, and the CIA station chief, as always. On the Korean side there is the vice-commander of the U. S.-ROK combined forces, always a Korean general. Then there is the commander of the feared Korean National Police, the director of the Korean National Intelligence Service (NIS), formerly the KCIA, and the still strong network of right-wing Korean politicians who never lost their positions through forty years of Japanese, and now fifty-six years of U. S. occupation. Important, Relatively Little-Known Facts and Ironies Relating to the Korean War Korea has never attacked any other country. It has, however, been the victim of repeated attacks and interference throughout history. At the end of World War II, Korea was the only state not responsible for aggression that became divided (like Germany). Japan, which had occupied Korea for forty years and attacked many of its neighbors, was not split up. In fact its economy and sovereignty were enhanced by the Korean War due to a choice of U. S. policy to build up Japan. So Japan gained tremendously from the Korean War. Its strategic military and geopolitical significance was illustrated by the manner in which it served as the vital rear base and sanctuary for U. S. operations throughout the Korean War, and later for the Vietnam War. The war substantially boosted Japan provisional demarcation line at approximately the 17th latitude to be in effect only until mandated unifying elections were to be held in July 1956. Tragically, however, due to illegal United States belligerance in preventing the mandated unifying elections, the 17th latitude remained in effect for twenty-one years until the Vietnamese militarily defeated the U. S. in April 1975, similarly to what they had done to the French in 1954. Syngman Rhee, the very unpopular and unpredictable U. S. puppet leader for the South, was a big, big winner in the war. The U. S. intervention saved his political career by entrenching him as South Korea s leader even though he had little popular support. In February-March 1952, officials from China and North Korea accused the U. S. of dropping germs from the air, including plague, anthrax, cholera, and encephalitis, which was vehemently denied by the U. S. Subsequent elaborate research has disclosed the truth of these accusations. See Endicott and Hagerman s excellent twenty-year study (1998) listed in the bibliography below. The total number of Koreans, North and South, killed during the war now seems to exceed 5 million people, or about 17 percent of a total 30 million population at the beginning of the war. Nine million people lived north of the 38th Parallel at the beginning of the war, and as many as 3 to 3.5 million of them were killed. This kill ratio of one in three may be the heaviest losses due to war any nation has ever endured in history. The Armistice signed at Panmunjom on July 27, 1953, was signed by representatives of North Korea, China, and the U. S. Rhee refused to sign but agreed that for ninety days he would not disturb it, after which he claimed he would be free to start the war with a military invasion of the North. To contain Rhee, U. S. acquired direct control over the ROKA, which in turn contributed to the tragic long-term U. S. occupation of Korea. The Geneva Conference where resolution of Korea was discussed following the cease-fire, April 26-June 15, 1954, was a unique occasion when the foreign ministers of all five leading world countries met at one place (U. S. U. S.S. R. France, China, and the United Kingdom, among others nations represented at the conference). Geneva was the only international conference of its kind ever attended by North Korea. According to representatives of delegations from Canada, France, Belgium, and the United Kingdom at Geneva, the U. S./Rhee representatives were intent on preventing any acceptable peace settlement from being realized, despite allegations to the opposite by U. S. diplomats. Though some prisoners of war on both sides were badly treated, the documented evidence discloses that the U. S./U. N. forces were responsible for more deaths of prisoners, and more violence, than the North Koreans and Chinese were with their U. S./U. N./South Korean prisoners. Only the U. N. side applied violence to prevent repatriation. The U. S. was shocked by the fact that an estimated 70 percent of its POWs had collaborated in some way with their captors. Many had made confessions, including the to the use of germ warfare. Very few North Korean and Chinese prisoners collaborated with their U. N. captors, even though they were subjected to more brutality and violence. Many of the U. S. POWs recanted, of course, once released, but many, surprisingly, did not. Despite Japanese and U. S. denials, the Chinese and North Koreans were aware that the U. S. government protected from World War II war crimes prosecutions, the top Japanese germ-warfare scientists and technicians who had experimented on Chinese and Korean (and some 300 U. S.) prisoners a few years before. The reason: So that the United States could utilize their technological and scientific knowledge for its own military and intelligence purposes, similar to the program the U. S. secretly implemented for the Nazis. Some of this imparted knowledge was believed used against Chinese and North Koreans in the Korean War. After the war, South Korea had one of the largest military forces in the world with approximately 600,000 soldiers. The numbers in the North were uncertain but not thought at the time to be much at variance with numbers of Rhee s forces in the South. Since the war, the South Korean military has been the only foreign armed force in the world under direct U. S. control. 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The CIA s Greatest Hits (Monroe, ME: Odonian Press/Common Courage Press, 1998). Zezima, Michael. Saving Private Power: The Hidden History of (New York: Soft Skull Press, Inc. 2000). Zinn, Howard. A People s History of the United States (New York: Harper Perennial, 1980). 76 Comments Posted February 3, 2010 at 5:12 pm Permalink This is about as fair and balanced as you can get. Chomsky, Cummings, Stone. Nearly all much discredited. It so wonderful that you can be honest about the history of the times and work an understanding of the times into your work. Yep, everything is the fault of the Big Old Bad US. I wish now, we have left Korea to rot. Of course, as someone that can t take care of themselves, that would have been blamed on the US also Posted February 3, 2010 at 5:44 pm Permalink Your statement that Chomsky, Cumings, Stone are discredited is not held by many people other than those who just refuse to be honest about the egregious nature of US history. 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